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  • in reply to: stories about racism & what it is #117274
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    The History Of The Word ‘Racism’”

    Gene Demby
    January 06, 2014

    http://www.npr.org/blogs/codeswitch/2014/01/05/260006815/the-ugly-fascinating-history-of-the-word-racism

    The Oxford English Dictionary’s first recorded utterance of the word racism was by a man named Richard Henry Pratt in 1902. Pratt was railing against the evils of racial segregation:

    Segregating any class or race of people apart from the rest of the people kills the progress of the segregated people or makes their growth very slow. Association of races and classes is necessary to destroy racism and classism.

    Although Pratt might have been the first person to inveigh against racism and its deleterious effects by name, he is much better-remembered for a very different coinage: “Kill the Indian…save the man”: “A great general has said that the only good Indian is a dead one,” Pratt said. “In a sense, I agree with the sentiment, but only in this: that all the Indian there is in the race should be dead. Kill the Indian in him, and save the man.

    We’re still living with the after-effects of what Pratt thought and did. His story serves as a useful parable for why discussions of racism remain so deeply contentious even now.

    But let’s back up a bit.

    Beginning in the 1880s, a group of well-heeled white men would travel to upstate New York each year to attend the Lake Mohonk Conference Of The Friend Of the Indian. Their primary focus was a solution to “the Indian problem,” the need for the government to deal with the Native American groups living in lands that had been forcibly seized from them. The Plains Wars had decimated the Native American population, but they were coming to an end. There was a general feeling among these men and other U.S. leaders that the remaining Native Americans would be wiped out within a generation or two, destroyed by disease and starvation.

    The Lake Mohonk attendees wanted to stop that from happening, and they pressed lawmakers to change the government’s policies toward Indians. Pratt, in particular, was a staunch advocate of folding Native Americans into white life — assimilation through education. He persuaded Congress to let him test out his ideas, and they gave him an abandoned military post in Carlisle, Pa., to set up a boarding school for Native children. He was also able to convince many Native Americans, including some tribal leaders, to send their children far away from home, and leave them in his charge. “These [chiefs] were smart men,” said Grace Chaillier, a professor of Native American studies at Northern Michigan University. “They saw the handwriting on the wall. They knew their children were going to need to be educated in the ways of the dominant culture or they weren’t going to survive.”

    For many Natives, Chaillier said, this wrenching decision came down to a grim arithmetic: the boarding school would provide their children with food and shelter, which were hard to come by on the reservations. “The reservations were becoming very, very sad places to be,” she said. “These were places of daunting poverty. People were starving.”

    The Carlisle Indian Industrial School would become a model for dozens of other unaffiliated boarding schools for Indian children. But Pratt’s plans had lasting, disastrous ramifications. He pushed for the total erasure of Native cultures among his students. “No bilingualism was accommodated at these boarding schools,” said Christina Snyder, a historian at Indiana University. The students’ native tongues were strictly forbidden — a rule that was enforced through beating. Since they were rounded up from different tribes, the only way they could communicate with each other at the schools was in English.

    “In Indian civilization I am a Baptist,” Pratt once told a convention of Baptist ministers, “because I believe in immersing the Indians in our civilization and when we get them under, holding them there until they are thoroughly soaked.” “The most significant consequence of this policy is the loss of languages,” Snyder says. “All native languages are [now] endangered and some of them are extinct.” Pratt also saw to it that his charges were Christianized. Carlisle students had to attend church each Sunday, although he allowed each student to choose the denomination to which she would belong.

    When students would return home to the reservations — which Pratt objected to, because he felt it would slow down their assimilation — there was a huge cultural gap between them and their families. They dressed differently. They had a new religion. And they spoke a different language. “These kids coming from the boarding schools were literally unable to speak with their parents and grandparents,” Chaillier said. “In many cases, they were ashamed of them, because their grandparents and parents were living a life that nobody should aspire to live.”

    But Pratt’s idea to assimilate Native Americans gained traction, and the government began to make attendance at Indian boarding schools compulsory. Families who didn’t comply were punished by the government. “For a period in the 1890s, federal Indian agents could withhold rations [from families] to kind of forcibly starve someone out,” Snyder says. According to Tsianina Lomawaima, who heads of the American Indian Studies program at the University of Arizona, the government’s schooling policy had more cynical aims. “They very specifically targeted Native nations that were the most recently hostile,” Lomawaima says. “There was a very conscious effort to recruit the children of leaders, and this was also explicit, essentially to hold those children hostage. The idea was it would be much easier to keep those communities pacified with their children held in a school somewhere far away.”

    Unhappy, homesick students regularly ran away from the schools, and authorities were sent out to apprehend deserters, who were sometimes given asylum by Native communities who protested the mandatory school laws.

    But since there was little oversight of the boarding schools, the students were often subjected to horrific mistreatment. Many were regularly beaten. Chaillier said that some of the schools were rife with sexual abuse. Tuberculosis or trachoma, a preventable disease which causes blindness, were rampant. All of the boarding schools, she said, had their own cemeteries.

    Chaillier said that Pratt wasn’t always aware of these conditions. But these were the consequences of the popularity of his philosophies.

    Chaillier, who is Lakota, told me a story that her mother often shared with her about her Indian school experience. One day, according to her mother’s story, a young student snuck out from his room at night, fell into a hole being dug for a well on the school grounds, broke his neck and died. His body was put on display and the students were assembled, forced to view their schoolmate’s corpse as a reminder of what happened to students who were disobedient.

    But Chaillier’s mother insisted that she didn’t attend one of the bad Indian boarding schools. And she wanted Chaillier to attend one, as well. “If you were Indian, you went to Indian school,” she said, describing her mother’s feelings. Her mother felt that the Indian schools were a net good, even as they were calamitous for Indian cultures.

    It’s that ambivalence that makes Pratt’s legacy so hard to neatly characterize. “Richard Henry Pratt was an incredibly complex individual in many ways,” Chaillier said. “Some of the worst outcomes that have happened in society have started out with someone thinking they were doing something good.”

    “For his time, Pratt was definitely a progressive,” Snyder said. Indeed, he thought his ideas were the only thing keeping Native peoples from being entirely wiped out by disease and starvation. “That’s one of the dirty little secrets of American progressivism — that [progress] was still shaped around ideas of whiteness.” Snyder said that Pratt replaced the popular idea that some groups were natively inferior to others with the idea that some cultures were the problem, and needed to be corrected or destroyed. In other words, he swapped biological determinism for cultural imperialism. Given the sheer scale of the physical and cultural violence he helped set in motion, was Pratt himself a practitioner of the very ill he decried at the Lake Mohonk convention? Was he a racist?

    Over a century after he was first recorded using the word, we still ask that question — is she or isn’t she racist? — in situations where no clear answer would ever present itself. We argue about the composition of the accused’s soul and the fundamental goodness or badness therein. But those are things we can’t possibly know. And as we litigate that question, other more meaningful questions become obscured.

    Racism remains a force of enormous consequence in American life, yet no one can be accused of perpetrating it without a kicking up a grand fight. No one ever says, “Yeah, I was a little bit racist. I’m sorry.” That’s in part because racists, in our cultural conversations, have become inhuman. They’re fairy-tale villains, and thus can’t be real. There’s no nuance to these public fights. Someone is either seen as a racist and therefore an inhuman monster, or they’re seen as an actual, complex human being, and therefore, according to the standard view, incapable of being a racist.

    Ta-Nehisi Coates of The Atlantic, who often writes about race, is one of several writers and thinkers who has drawn attention to this paradox:

    The idea that America has lots of racism but few actual racists is not a new one. Philip Dray titled his seminal history of lynching At the Hands of Persons Unknown because most “investigations” of lynchings in the South turned up no actual lynchers. Both David Duke and George Wallace insisted that they weren’t racists. That’s because in the popular vocabulary, the racist is not so much an actual person but a monster, an outcast thug who leads the lynch mob and keeps Mein Kampf in his back pocket.

    We can ask whether Richard Henry Pratt was himself racist even as he decried racism. But that question distracts from the concrete and lingering realities of his legacy. It’s far more valuable to wrestle with these two ideas at once: Pratt probably improved the material lives of many individual Native American children who lived in poverty and were at risk of starving. He also aggressively campaigned to destroy their cultures and subjected them to a panoply of miseries and privations.

    Last Monday, a woman named Emily Johnson Dickerson died. She was the last person in the world who spoke only the Chickasaw language. That’s a reality interlaced with the difficult legacy of Richard Henry Pratt.

    In the century since Pratt used the word racism, the term has become an abstraction. But always buried somewhere underneath it are actions with real consequences. Sometimes those outcomes are intended. Sometimes they’re not. But it’s the outcomes, not the intentions, that matter most in the end.

    in reply to: tweets & things … 6/26 thru 6/30 #117273
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    in reply to: stories about racism & what it is #117272
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    What does ‘reverse racism’ mean and is it actually real? Experts weigh in

    https://www.today.com/tmrw/what-reverse-racism-experts-weigh-term-t184580

    The last month has been an intense period of reflection when it comes to racism. Perhaps you’ve also heard the term “reverse racism” in the media, on Instagram, at work or in pockets of mostly white communities over the last few weeks. But what does the term really mean?

    Before understanding the concept of “reverse racism” — the claim by white people that they’ve been victims of racism by people of color — Worku Nida, an expert in sociocultural anthropology with a Ph.D. from UCLA, says it’s imperative to first break down the roots of racism in the U.S.

    “Racism is a mechanism where resources and unfortunately power, wealth, prestige and even humanity are distributed along a color line. That’s what racism is about,” Nida, who is currently chair of the University of California Riverside Anthropology Department, said.

    TMRW interviewed Nida and other experts to understand what drives the idea of reverse racism and if the term is actually valid.

    Types of racism

    There are two types of racism, individual and systemic, which, according to Nida, are intertwined to reinforce and perpetuate racism in this country. So what are the differences?

    Individual racism

    Individualized racism is when a person in a position of privilege has some prejudice against another person based on the color of their skin.

    “My practice and knowledge is that racism is the combination of two things: discrimination plus power over,” Lynne Lyman, a justice advocate and former California state director for the Drug Policy Alliance, told TMRW. “Where a lot of white people get caught up and confused is that they may have felt discriminated against … but it’s very different from racism when you don’t have the power. [Racism] can only come from the most dominant group.”

    The problematic pattern of individualized racism, according to Lyman, is that once you put a person who has been taught to have racial biases, overtly or subconsciously, into a position where they have any clout, their “personal racist tendencies” become “amplified and empowered.”

    For example, if one white manager at a company was racist against Black people and never hired Black people during a 10-year management period, it would eventually impact the entire structure and culture of the company. With no Black employees hired at entry-level positions, there would be no advancement for Black people into higher positions.

    “Now that company’s practice has been institutionalized over time with no room for Black people,” Lyman told TODAY.

    Lyman compared this to sexism, which by definition cannot be experienced by cisgender men because they have, historically and undeniably, been in positions of power over women. All it takes is one individual with racist or sexist tendencies in a position of power at a school, corporation, on a police force or in the government to cultivate a toxic culture.

    Systemic racism

    “In systemic and structural racism is rooted in institutions, actions and policies that allow certain groups of people to (advance) while preventing other people from having access to resources,” Nida told TMRW. “This works through the court system, congress, presidency, through all levels of structures of government, in business, in education — you name it.”

    A “glaring” example of systemic racism, Nida said, is the G.I. Bill of Rights that was passed after World War II. Officially titled the Servicemen’s Readjustment Act of 1944, the bill was designed to help veterans start their lives and families with low-interest mortgage rates, access to loans for education and training and other privileges.

    “This is a very important landmark. The G.I. Bill created the largest group of middle class probably in the world and is how the U.S. economy really formed,” Nida told TMRW. “Black and brown people fought alongside white people in World War II, and they were excluded from this, unfortunately.”

    Passed 20 years before the Civil Rights Act of 1964, during a time when overt racism was the norm in many areas, the G.I. Bill required veterans to get benefits from a white Veterans Administration and loans from white bankers who refused them regardless of their eligibility. The V.A. also adopted “redlining,” developed by President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s 1933 New Deal. On a color-coded map of metro areas throughout the entire country, the Home Owners Loan Corporation and the Federal Housing Administration circled places in red to indicate they were too risky to insure mortgages.

    Anywhere a Black family lived or lived near was circled red. When Black people applied for loans, whether they had secured benefits from the G.I. Bill or not, they were segregated to areas within the red lines. If a Black family persevered through racist red tape to buy a house in one of the nicer, low-risk areas, there was “white flight,” a concept referring to white people moving from an area to keep people of color separate.

    Another example of structural racism is President Richard Nixon’s 1971 declaration of the “War on Drugs.” Drugs, according to Lyman, were strategically made illegal to oppress certain minorities at different times throughout this country’s history.

    Laws created on “clearly” racist principles to keep people of color, minorities and immigrants oppressed and controlled, Lyman said, have continued to this day. This has culminated in drastic incarceration rates.

    In a recent Harper’s Magazine article, Nixon aide John Ehrlichman was quoted admitting the War on Drugs was a ruse to fight the Nixon White House’s “two enemies: the antiwar left and black people.”

    “We knew we couldn’t make it illegal to be either against the war or black, but by getting the public to associate the hippies with marijuana and blacks with heroin, and then criminalizing both heavily, we could disrupt those communities,” Ehrlichman said. “We could arrest their leaders, raid their homes, break up their meetings, and vilify them night after night on the evening news. Did we know we were lying about the drugs? Of course we did.”

    Some white people may diminish racism in 2020 by justifying that they, their parents or grandparents came from nothing and worked hard to get what they have. But federal legislation and structures like the G.I. Bill and the War on Drugs are crucial to understanding that hard work was not enough for Black Americans to overcome the structural barriers they faced.

    Where does structural racism come from?

    Both Lyman, who is white, and Nida, who is Ethiopian, emphasized that racist beliefs and structures in the U.S. were cultivated in anti-Blackness.

    “White supremacy and white privilege are at the heart of and define structural racism. They were constructed historically and legally codified in 1691 in Virginia,” Nida told TMRW. “Different plantation owners put on paper as the law that white Americans were superior to enslaved Africans and people of color, and had the right to own the land, to be in charge and to be in charge of slave labor.”

    When groups of enslaved laborers began to rebel against their exploiters and plantation owners, who were comparatively few in number, Nida said the ideology of white supremacy was crafted and distributed to all groups of white people to promote a political system that for hundreds of years would align working class and poor white people with the elite white people over Black communities with a similar socioeconomic standing.

    “People weren’t just born racist because you grew up on this soil. It was a very deliberate, conscious and centuries-long marketing effort,” Lyman told TMRW. “When the abolitionists started pushing out ideas that all humans are equal, a lot of which was based in Christianity and other religions on how you treat other people, in the South, (white people) knew there had to be a counter-narrative. It was like a slave labor PR Firm. Through the social media of the time (the printing press, public speeches, pamphlets), there was a very intentional effort to prove that Black people were inferior.”

    So, what about reverse racism? Can a person of color be racist against a white person in this country?
    The term “reverse racism,” according to experts on the subject like Lyman and Nida, is a mythological ideology that stems from discourse and propaganda on anti-Blackness.

    With roots dating back to the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade, Nida says this concept has sprung up repeatedly through history: in the campaigns launched against abolitionists, in Jim Crow, in the War on Drugs, in the Civil Rights movement and still today in the Black Lives Matter movement in an effort to deflect and distract from the realities of the Black experience in this country.

    “Affirmative action emerged in 1966 after the Civil Rights movement when the people of color and Black people included were given limited access to education. Doors were being opened to them that had been closed for centuries for no other reason than being who they are,” Nida told TMRW. “Some white folks brought up the analogy of reverse racism. It’s a social lie, it doesn’t exist. (Because) if we’re talking about dismantling systemic racism, we’re talking about white supremacy and white racism. People who are benefiting from (those concepts) are not going to be happy with changes that affect the status quo.”

    Now, there are plenty of Black people in white-collar jobs who are loved and treated well by their white friends and colleagues. But the deeply embedded structures and federal laws passed by outright racists when outright racism was the norm still exist. A white person may not feel or be individually racist, but we live in a system that was designed to uplift white Americans and neglect the pain and suffering of Black Americans.

    Racism stems from this imbalance in power. Before considering whether a white person has experienced “reverse racism,” Nida urges you to ask yourself these questions:

    When is the last time Black people and people of color forced white people to work on plantations?

    When was the last time Black people and people of color subjected white folks to lynching?

    When was the last time Black people and people of color excluded white folks from having access to the middle-class opportunities?

    How many Black presidents have we had? How many Native American presidents have we had? How many Hispanic?

    “A Black person can treat a white person poorly. A Black person can hate a white person for being white. But it’s this idea of reverse racism that doesn’t work,” Lyman told TMRW. “It’s never too late to see and acknowledge this kind of gross injustice and start to fight against anti-Blackness. You can never be too late to this party. We need to undo it in ourselves, in our communities, in our laws and in our society.”

    in reply to: stories about racism & what it is #117269
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    FBI joins case of woman set on fire in racist attack

    link https://madison365.com/fbi-joins-case-of-woman-set-on-fire-in-racist-attack/?fbclid=IwAR0mTXPecbk703–oG6gvwmbRgsvVMkDZ0MCh4lYvN_DYH7Tq-yAEdpTxSQ

    The Federal Bureau of Investigation has joined the investigation into an alleged racist attack on an 18-year-old EMT and aspiring paramedic early Wednesday morning.

    As Madison365 reported first Thursday, Althea Bernstein said she was driving through downtown Madison around 1 am Wednesday, just as protests were winding down on the Capitol Square. She said four white men approached her car, and one used a spray bottle to deploy a liquid — later determined to be lighter fluid — and lit it, giving her burns on her face and neck.

    Madison Police Department spokesman Joel Despain said a detective has been in contact with the victim and is reviewing surveillance video and other evidence. He said the detective confirmed Friday that the FBI has joined the investigation due to the “egregious” nature of the assault and the national attention the case has received.

    He said he was not aware of whether any specific evidence or information led to the FBI’s involvement.

    in reply to: stories about racism & what it is #117268
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    Many of us know about Matt Waldman. Football guy, draft analyst.

    Here in a series of tweets, he feels compelled to address the big issues we’re seeing right now. It’s worth a read IMO. He talks about being the husband of a black woman and father of a black child in today’s USA.

    Matt Waldman@MattWaldman
    Seeing some of my colleagues talk about what it’s like being black in America–
    @DianteLee_ comes to mind prominently this afternoon, I’d like to offer a different perspective.

    Being white, growing up in the north and south, and becoming part of a black family. What you learn.

    The first thing you learn is that no matter how open-minded, loving, and book-educated you are, you are not ready for what you’ll experience once you become emotionally invested in the lives of people who are black.

    Seeing, experiencing, and feeling it on a visceral level.

    You will at first do what black people do as they’re growing up and first experiencing it: Wondering if what you experienced happened as you perceived it and trying to rationalize the motivations as not racist. Revisiting multiple times to make sure you’re not crazy.

    Black people revisit, replay, and analyze things that happen–even after experiencing events like it for decades.

    You learn there’s a constant state of questioning, analyzing, explaining (while angry). It’s stressful and wears you out.

    You learn why a lifetime of having to be on guard for the potential of significant danger to well-being physically, financially, and emotionally is a drain on mental, physical, and financial health–and considering how doctors have been mistrained (even recently)…

    about the pain tolerance, dosages, and overall untrue differences with black patients, it’s not surprising there’s a distrust of U.S. healthcare.

    BTW-I learned with one of my roommates in 1990 in Miami that if I didn’t barge past the ER front desk in an empty waiting room,

    my roommate, who waited 30 minutes with a medical emergency (I rushed him there) and was hyperventilating and sweating bullets was about two minutes from a stroke if I didn’t grab an annoyed doctor (once he saw my roommate–five folks were working on him immediately)

    Even w/that story, at 20 yrs old, having influential teachers talk to me about their life in America, reading Malcolm X, learning history beyond my high school curriculum, I still wanted to rationalize what my roommate went through.

    The truth: Being dangerously ill while black

    I learned how to have “the talks” with my kids about retail stores, police, school, and the parents of their white friends. Things I never had to consider growing up. Sometimes those talks happened after the fact with incidents that came earlier than I hoped to God would.

    Teacher putting my talkative kid in a desk and putting a tape perimeter around her to tell other kids not to interact with her and wanted her tested for a learning disability–when all she did was finish her assignments early (and correctly and consistently) and was bored.

    Cashier being rude to my girlfriend because the clerk shorted $20 at the grocery. The manager being ruder when summoned. Neither manager nor cashier offering the slightest apology after counting drawer and it being exactly $20 over.

    Countless times followed by retail clerks or front store security behaving brusquely until they realized I was with them and then behaving 180 degrees different. Cops thinking the way to behave with my executive wife whose family all earned college degrees was to speak ebonics

    Wife pulled over for alleged “rolling stops”, going through yellow lights, or going 5mph over the speed limit & questioned about the veracity of her ownership of the car because of the cognitive dissonance of her dark skin & German last name that’s on her license and insurance.

    Cops questioning that she owns the car even after they see the name match with the IDs. Cops following her home after everything checks out but they want to make sure that nice car is hers–the “don’t-fuck-with-me,” car that I would never have to drive for people at work to see

    that she’s not some charity case they hired but a star employee. Not to mention that her dad, sister, and brother were Baltimore PD. And they know police training has been cut well short of optimal in the past 15-20 years.

    My wife having to deal with “Cooper-like” women (not new) using tears as a weapon when they become threatened about my wife’s positive work relationships w/males at the job. And those males taking the bait because they don’t expect white women to be mature one but need rescuing.

    Ex-girlfriend and I once applied for same job. She had more desirable industry experience, called her first, talked salary, & scheduled interview. She arrived in a stunning Chanel suit–very interview appropriate. Hiring manager took one look at her, said job was filled, offered

    entry-level gig. Then manager called me, I went through three interviews–one was clearly a “does the owner give the stamp of approval that I’m a white male,” interview and was offered the job (I graphically told them what they could do with the offer).

    The dread I felt when my wife decided to take a drive in her new car and forgot to tell me she was doing so after she ran an errand at night and I thought she’d be home in 20 minutes. Me driving around the county looking for her because I hoped she wasn’t pulled over.

    My wife panicking and wanting to leave a concert when my daughter, a Marine, got pulled over for a traffic stop at night in a county that 15 years ago had signs that essentially told black people to leave at night.

    I notice how some people who are uncomfortable around blacks get tense and shaky and I have to be 1-2 steps ahead and wonder if this is the day I’m going to jail for my wife. I have learned how to take the temperature of a room in a way I never had to before.

    I notice black people taking the temperature of my behavior. Am I at ease and self-aware or am I going to be that guy trying to act black? Am I that guy who will treat my wife as some fetishized trophy? Am I the well-meaning but ignorant liberal social justice warrior 24/7?

    All of this is done out of protection and understandably so. Some have seen and experienced too much to even want to try with me. And I get that. Hate it’s that way, but I get it and know I can’t change that in one interaction–and in some cases, ever.

    What did I learn?

    Being outwardly and vocally hateful was wrong and made your family look bad but being exclusionary for ignorant reasons, telling jokes, reinforcing racism behind the scenes was intentionally and unintentionally encouraged.

    It’s the source of gaslighting.

    That racism was often tolerated by younger adults not to upset their older parents or authority figures in society with the purse strings.

    That it was ok to be friendly but not close to black people.

    That black entertainers were exceptional and not the norm. Ring a bell?

    That the norm was more like what I saw on the news. What did I see on the news? Murders, robbers, rioters in Miami reacting to police murder/brutality.

    I knew this wasn’t true. Didn’t change the emotional reactions I had from these being internalized. Sound familiar?

    Like many, these lessons created an ingrained fear. Fear of saying the wrong thing. Fear of being labeled a racist more than tacitly supporting racism. Fear of where to even begin with gaining real knowledge. It’s why so many never even begin.

    Fact is, 5 yrs ago the reactions to this behavior was met with a lot more resistance. Progress is sadly slow but it’s there. Feeling that helplessness is a part of honest recognition.

    Mostly, I’ve learned that I had to unlearn subtle and unintentional behaviors that I was taught that perpetuated systemic racism. Things family and authority taught. That it took time, effort, humility, and painful self-reflection. I’m still learning. We’re all still learning.

    And, it’s exhausting to explain as often as it needs to be explained to give someone uninitiated a clear picture. A clear picture you may not see immediately or in its totality. I’m not telling you how to be, just sharing how I’ve been. Hope it helps.

    in reply to: comedians on police brutality #117260
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    in reply to: virus news … (+ some dark humor) #117255
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    in reply to: American sports & kneeling in protest #117254
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    from https://nypost.com/2020/06/13/most-americans-now-agree-with-colin-kaepernicks-protest-poll/

    June 13, 2020

    In the wake of the Black Lives Matter protests, 52% of Americans now say it is “OK for NFL players to kneel during the national anthem to protest police killings of African Americans,” a new Yahoo News/YouGov poll shows.

    In 2016, only 28% of Americans agreed with Kaepernick’s stance when a similar poll was taken and the number only jumped to 35% in 2018.

    in reply to: virus news … (+ some dark humor) #117253
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    in reply to: Stadium Update #117252
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    in reply to: Police & protestors — conflicting images #117249
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    police culture & training, including former police speak out, AND 1 reason why many think they are beyond criticism.

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    in reply to: virus news … (+ some dark humor) #117246
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    from Roughly half the Twitter accounts pushing to ‘reopen America’ are bots, researchers found

    https://www.businessinsider.com/nearly-half-of-reopen-america-twitter-accounts-are-bots-report-2020-5?fbclid=IwAR0T3LSAa_VE4VImsuELAS_32Kv6eiqpD_aq40PhEovGJ2w054f0b432X-k

    There’s been a surge in bot activity in the past month in online discussions about reopening America from COVID-19 shutdowns, researchers at Carnegie Mellon University said this week.
    The researchers analyzed over 200 million tweets discussing COVID-19 and found that roughly half the accounts were likely bots.
    They identified the bots by looking for accounts that tweeted more frequently than humanly possible or whose location appeared to rapidly switch among different countries.
    It’s unclear who’s behind the surge in bot activity or whether they’re originating from the US or abroad.

    in reply to: masks #117245
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    in reply to: Just a thread for different kindsa interesting things #117244
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    in reply to: comedians on police brutality #117243
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    in reply to: comedians on police brutality #117241
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    Originally posted by wv, moved here by zn

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    Originally posted by Jack, moved here by zn

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    in reply to: comedians on police brutality #117237
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    Originally posted by wv, moved here by zn

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    Originally posted by WV, moved here by zn

    ==

    police:https://portside.org/2020-06-10/what-world-could-teach-america-about-policing

    What the World Could Teach America About Policing

    Examples abound of reforms that are seen as “radical” in the United States.
    June 10, 2020 Yasmeen Serhan The Atlantic

    n the weeks since George Floyd was killed by a Minneapolis police officer, nationwide anti-racism protests have called for, among other things, defunding the police. But the members of the Minneapolis City Council decided to go further, announcing their intent to dismantle their police department altogether.

    Such a promise might have been deemed radical only a few weeks ago. But as the demonstrations following Floyd’s death have grown, and as police violence against peaceful protesters and journalists has been thrust into the national spotlight, the question of how police forces should protect and serve their communities—and what should become of those that don’t—has become all the more urgent in the United States.

    So far, proposed answers have ranged from reforming and reprioritizing law-enforcement funding to disarming and disbanding departments for good. As radical as such recommendations might seem in an American context, they have been tried and tested elsewhere. Here are some of the lessons that the U.S. could learn from other countries.
    I. DISMANTLING

    As extraordinary as the decision by the Minneapolis City Council was, the prospect of dismantling a police force—even one with tens of thousands of officers—isn’t novel. In the Republic of Georgia, it has already been done.

    At the turn of the 21st century, Georgia was one of the most corrupt places on Earth. Bribery in the country, which lies in the Caucasus and shares a border with Russia, was rampant, and its police force, which was both a beneficiary and an enforcer of the system, was widely distrusted. So endemic was the issue that when a new government came to power in 2004, it determined that the country’s police force was too corrupt to be fixed. So its leaders decided to abolish the force entirely, sacking about 30,000 officers. Then it began the three-year process of hiring a smaller, better trained—and, crucially, corruption-free—police force to replace it.

    “We decided that reforming that force would be impossible and it would be better to disband this entire force and start from zero,” Shota Utiashvili, a senior fellow at the Georgian Foundation for Strategic and International Studies who worked for the Georgian Ministry of Internal Affairs at the time, told the BBC years later. The force instituted a zero-tolerance policy for officers found to be tempted by bribery. Before long, Utiashvili said, “the public perception of the police changed.”

    Nearly a decade later, Georgia’s model was adapted elsewhere—this time, in Camden, New Jersey. With a rising homicide rate, and without the resources to hire more officers, the city decided that it, too, needed to start from scratch. So in 2013, it took the unusual step of eliminating its police force, laying off more than 250 officers in the process. Those who were rehired as part of the new Camden County Police Department—one twice the size of the previous force, employing its officers on reduced wages—were trained to focus more on community policing, which included an emphasis on de-escalation and using tools such as guns and handcuffs only as a last resort.

    Since the disbanding, violent crime in Camden has fallen by 42 percent and the murder rate has fallen by more than half, from 67 killings in 2012, the year before the reforms, to 25 last year. And when people in the city joined protests against Floyd’s killing late last month, the police force joined them.
    II. TRAINING

    Abolishing a police force is one challenge. Replacing it with something better is another.

    Key to that challenge is revamping the training for prospective officers. Here, too, the U.S. can look to other countries for inspiration. In Germany, for example, police recruits are required to spend two and a half to four years in basic training to become an officer, with the option to pursue the equivalent of a bachelor’s or master’s degree in policing. Basic training in the U.S., by comparison, can take as little as 21 weeks (or 33.5 weeks, with field training). The less time recruits have to train, the less time is afforded for guidance on crisis intervention or de-escalation. “If you only have 21 weeks of classroom training, naturally you’re going to emphasize survival,” Paul Hirschfield, an associate sociology and criminal-justice professor at Rutgers University, told me.

    Joachim Kersten, a senior research professor of criminology at the German Police University, told me that police training in Germany covers everything from how to respond to cases of domestic violence to how to disarm someone with a lethal weapon. In the latter case, he said, “the emphasis is not on using weapons or shooting.” Rather, trainees are encouraged to de-escalate, resorting to lethal force only when absolutely necessary.

    This level of restraint isn’t unique to Germany—it’s a Europe-wide standard. In some European countries, the rules are stricter still: Police in Finland and Norway, for example, require that officers seek permission before shooting anyone, where possible. In Spain, police must provide verbal cautions and warning shots before resorting to deadly force. Even in circumstances where weapons aren’t used, police officers in Europe tend to be more restricted in what they can do. Chokeholds of the kind used to immobilize, and ultimately kill, Floyd are forbidden in much of Europe. Some parts of the U.S., including Minneapolis, California, and New York, have since banned chokeholds and other similar restraints as well.

    “If you change the rules of engagement,” Hirschfield said, “if you make it more difficult to use deadly force, legally and through training, then police departments need to adapt” their tactics.

    Part of the reason that police in Europe are loath to use lethal force is because in most scenarios, they don’t have to. Compared with the U.S., which claims 40 percent of the world’s firearms, gun ownership in most European countries is relatively rare. In Germany, “officers, with few exceptions in big cities, don’t have to expect that they will meet people who will shoot at them,” Kersten said. Indeed, a number of police officers in countries such as Britain, Ireland, and Norway aren’t armed at all.

    This is perhaps why police-related deaths tend to be more prevalent in the U.S. than in many of its peer nations. Last year, the U.S. recorded more than 1,000 killings by law enforcement, dwarfing the number of police-related deaths in Canada, with 36 in 2017; Germany, with 14 that year; and England and Wales, with three in 2018. (Scotland and Northern Ireland have their own police forces.) “There is a massive difference in the level of harm that police do in carrying out their duties in a society that, to begin with, has far more guns than Britain could ever imagine,” Lawrence Sherman, a director of Cambridge University’s Centre for Evidence-Based Policing, told me. “It creates a very different starting point.”
    III. OVERSIGHT

    Even if the U.S. were to adopt similar standards to that of its European counterparts, it wouldn’t necessarily have the means to enforce them—at least not at the national level. That’s because, unlike many other similar countries, the American law-enforcement system is largely decentralized. The majority of the approximately 18,000 law-enforcement agencies across the U.S. are run at the city or county level, employing anywhere from one to 30,000 officers. The hyperlocalized nature of the system means that the standards and practices these agencies employ can vary widely. Unlike England and Wales, whose 43 police agencies are subject to the scrutiny of Her Majesty’s Inspectorate of Constabulary, an independent body, American policing has no federal oversight authority.

    Sherman argues that the establishment of an Inspector General of Police, or some such equivalent to the British inspectorate, at the state level would solve this problem—a recommendation he also made to President Barack Obama’s Task Force on 21st Century Policing, which was established following the fatal 2014 police shooting of the black teenager Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri. Such an authority would operate in the way its British equivalent does—by monitoring police forces to ensure that they are abiding by a certain set of rules and regulations and cutting the funding of those that don’t. Other suggestions Sherman made to the task force included the establishment of a National College of Policing (modeled after the British equivalent) and a registry of dismissed officers to ensure that those who are fired aren’t simply rehired elsewhere. None of the recommendations were ultimately taken up.

    All of this could yet change—assuming that American leaders and policy makers are prepared to engage with examples offered by countries around the world. The U.S. doesn’t have a great track record for this, though. As Uri Friedman noted, American leaders have largely proved reluctant to learn from the policies and practices of peer nations in previous crises. Who’s to say this time will be any different?

    “My best prediction,” Sherman said, “is that nothing is going to happen.” At least, not on the national level. But it could happen at the local level, if city and state governments are willing to take on the issue. “The complexities of police administration and institutional design require serious attention that is not going to happen with a presidential candidate,” Sherman continued, “but could and should happen at the gubernatorial level.”

    in reply to: Police & protestors — conflicting images #117232
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    Jack, the Chomsky “unprecedented” vid was already posted. It’s here: http://theramshuddle.com/topic/noam-its-unprecedented/

    Just letting you know why I took it down. There’s a lot going on and a lot to post, there will be duplications, so people shouldn’t worry about it. Now and then I will have to prune one. That’s all.

    in reply to: virus news … (+ some dark humor) #117229
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    in reply to: sports & the virus #117228
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    in reply to: sports & the virus #117227
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    Michele Steele@ESPNMichele
    I remember speaking with various team & league execs in early March and there was concern *then* that an inadequate national strategy to contain the virus would make things exponentially harder to operate across many markets. That concern was well founded.

    in reply to: tweets & things … 6/26 thru 6/30 #117209
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    from https://theramswire.usatoday.com/2020/06/26/rams-sebastian-joseph-day-defensive-line-film-highlights/

    Donald obviously deserves an assist on this play, but most nose tackles don’t move the way Joseph-Day does on this sack.

    ==

    from https://theramswire.usatoday.com/2020/06/26/rams-sebastian-joseph-day-defensive-line-film-highlights/

    Joseph-Day should not be forgotten…. He’s still an important player on the defensive line, providing not only the versatility to play any position up front, but also to stop the run.

    “It’s interesting for sure, but at the end of the day, we’re only as good as our last guy. So all that really does is just amps up everyone’s game and I’m really excited because all that’s done for me is make me more hungry so I continue to work harder,” Joseph-Day said on the Rams Revealed Podcast. “I’m just excited to have A’Shawn because we’re going to be such a good D-line, so if I ever get tired or he ever gets tired, we’ll just rotate in. Brock gets tired, I can go in for Brock. Just do it all – I’m going to be a Rennaissance man. I’m going to be able to do it all this year. I’m hungry, I’m very ready and I’m just ready to still spread my wings.”

    in reply to: masks #117208
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    Jourdan Rodrigue@JourdanRodrigue
    The Rams have not gotten word from the league yet on protocols if/when someone does test positive. And media workroom occupation appears to foreshadow pretty limited in-person media access; the Rams were pretty consistent with the virtual interviews through the spring.

    ==

    in reply to: tweets & things … 6/26 thru 6/30 #117203
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    from https://theathletic.com/1886726/2020/06/25/four-on-the-roster-12-personnel-and-many-questions-evaluating-rams-tight-ends/?source=twittered

    Rich Hammond:

    Up front, adding a second tight end — usually Mundt — helped the line and the run game. Bobby Evans played well as a rookie at right tackle after Rob Havenstein’s injury, and I don’t want to downplay that but he also got a lot of help in those bigger packages. Mundt and Higbee both are great blockers. What this all means for Everett, I’m still not sure, but the Rams found something in the second half of the season that almost instantly revitalized their offense.

    Jourdan Rodrigue:

    Because of the extra roster allowances this season, I think the Rams see a bit of a loophole here, in that they can get away with carrying four tight ends — especially if one or two are designated in blocking support. You can carry 55 players on game days now, and teams probably will need more based on health protocols likely coming the league’s way soon. So in a year when you might see roster and practice-squad expansion, they can develop Hopkins and see what he’s got and continue to see whether Everett is a long-term option without immediately extending him. If he would command too much money (and I’m all for players going out and getting their money, by the way), they would have someone waiting in the wings to take on the role.

    in reply to: tweets & things … 6/26 thru 6/30 #117202
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    from Ranking the top 10 NFL punters heading into the 2020 regular season

    https://www.cbssports.com/nfl/news/ranking-the-top-10-nfl-kickers-and-top-10-punters-heading-into-the-2020-regular-season/

    2. Johnny Hekker, Rams

    Whenever there’s a conversation about the best punters in the NFL, Johnny Hekker’s name almost always comes up, which makes sense, because he’s one of the best punters in the NFL. Since his rookie year in 2012, Hekker has been an absolute weapon for the Rams, and during the early part of his career with the team, he was arguably the only weapon. Hekker has been so good for so long that it’s easy to forget how good he really is, so I’ll do my best to remind you.

    Over the course of his career, he’s averaged 47.0 yards per punt, which is the second-highest number in NFL history. That total includes an average of 47.4 yards last season, which ranked third in the league. Hekker also had a net punting average of 42.4 yards in 2019, which ranked seventh in the league.

    The one thing about Hekker is that he’s not just a punter, he’s a secret weapon. The man is a human Swiss Army knife for the Rams who does everything. Besides punting the ball, Hekker has also mastered the art of the throwing the the football. The Rams have ran so many fake punts with Hekker that he’s actually completed more passes in his career than Taysom Hill.

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