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November 11, 2016 at 11:27 pm #57806znModerator
Democrats Will Need New Leadership That Offers Alternatives to Neoliberal Failure
Donald Trump has been elected the 45th president of the United States, with a Republican Congress. The swing voters, as in most presidential elections of the past few decades, were white working class voters. It would be worthwhile therefore to think about how a large majority of this group ended up voting against their own interests.
Many liberals will blame the voters themselves, seeing them as racist, misogynist, and otherwise backward and ignorant. There is no doubt that Trump voters are worse than average in attitudes towards non-white Americans, immigrants, and women. So, no surprises there, even if he used a police whistle instead of just a dog whistle. The more important question is what moved the swing voters. And here it must be acknowledged that while racism and sexism were factors, there were also millions of “protest votes.” Trump posed as an outsider and many of his supporters liked that he was giving the middle finger to people they didn’t like, including the mainstream media and politicians.
But to see how they might be angry enough to vote for someone like Trump — whom many did not even like — we have to look at the economic policies that Democrats and Republicans alike have implemented, and how these have ruined the lives and futures of so many Americans.
The media has focused on trade, partly because Trump opposed the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) and other trade agreements and attacked Hillary Clinton for supporting them. Although Hillary took a position against the TPP in the campaign, she had previously supported it and there was reason to believe that she would do so after the elections. It certainly didn’t help that President Obama launched a serious effort, in the middle of the presidential campaign, to pass the agreement — aiming for the lame duck congress, where the swing votes would be unaccountable and many would soon be taking new jobs as lobbyists.
But the TPP and “trade” — the quotes are necessary because the most economically important features of the TPP agreement are not tariff reductions but rather rules that give corporations and patent and copyright holders new rights and privileges — are mostly stand-ins for a larger set of neoliberal policies that have hurt the majority of Americans over the past few decades. These include, for example, the country’s most important macroeconomic policies: fiscal, monetary, and exchange rate policies.
Trade is a surrogate because people often do not understand these macroeconomic policies. This is not their fault: the media does not tell them that when the Fed raises interest rates, as it will likely do next month now that the election is past, it is deliberately slowing job growth and wage growth for workers in the bottom half of the wage distribution. Or that the lack of job opportunities for millions of Americans could be remedied by increasing government spending, with no real cost to society since real interest rates are at zero. Or that an overvalued dollar is responsible for many more jobs going overseas than even the worst trade agreements. Or that the US Treasury can determine the value of the dollar, and therefore our trade deficit, no matter what China does or wants.
So “trade” agreements and “globalization,” as they are represented and misrepresented in the media, take on an outsized importance. Of course they have played an important role in the past in de-industrializing parts of the country and destroying good-paying manufacturing jobs. But today, they are the most visible manifestation of neoliberal economic policies that have destroyed the livelihoods, hopes, and dreams of millions.
The neoliberal structural reforms of Bill Clinton — NAFTA, the WTO, welfare reform, and financial deregulation did so much damage that there wasn’t much left for the next president, George W. Bush, to do.
When center-left politicians — in this case from the Democratic Party — abandon much of their base in important ways, they can end up voting for right-wing demagogues. We can see this in other countries: e.g., in the Brexit vote in the UK, or in France (where the right-wing National Front has made large gains in recent years). This can create a vicious circle, where the center-left dismisses such voters as “backward” or “xenophobic” and pushes them further into the hands of the right, rather than looking at their legitimate grievances and trying to do something about them.
Partly because of Bernie Sanders’ campaign, the Democratic Party produced its most progressive platform ever this year. But this was not enough to convince swing voters that Hillary, given her record, would implement it.
All this is not to ignore the fact that Republicans are reliant on voter suppression, and gerrymandering for the House of Representatives in order to get the power they now have. Without these anti-democratic tools, the Republicans would be a permanent minority party. Voting reform is essential to a democratic transition for America.
But the Democrats will also need new leadership that is willing to provide an alternative to the past four decades of neoliberal failure.
November 12, 2016 at 6:40 am #57835wvParticipantYup. I think i’ve read about fifteen articles now, basically saying that same thing.
And yet — i fully expect the DNC-NeoLiberals to go right back to the same ole sorry ass policies. I dunno whether they are simply ‘benefiting’ from those policies or if they are ‘true believers’. Not sure about that.
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vNovember 12, 2016 at 7:00 am #57837wvParticipantI’ll put this one here, just because its ‘tone’ is so completely different from article in the original post, but the substance is not all ‘that’ different, really. Just substitute the word ‘neoliberal’ for ‘predatory capitalism’.
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Deplorables 1, Empire 0
http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/article45833.htmBy Paul Edwards
November 11, 2016 “Information Clearing House” – It’s done. The foolish, arrogant propaganda excreted by the captive press of the Imperial Establishment is flushed, and they and their owners are eating their hubris, choking down the bitter, toxic medicine they inflicted on themselves. The nightmare they swore could never win is the Chosen One.
What this may mean to them, to all of us, and to The Empire, no one can guess. The origin, though, of what Michael Moore called the greatest “#### You” in our political history, is clear behind the shock and awe of the elite.
Between them, Trump and Clinton diligently stripped away the last shreds of the rent and ragged camouflage that disguised our zombie body politic.
Behind the mantra of Exceptionalism, the American Empire has behaved with exactly the same solipsistic arrogance all empires have embraced.
Internationally it has raged, as imperial China did, as if with a “Mandate of Heaven”, flaunting self-interest with no regard for other nations or the laws of war. It has inflicted misery, chaos, and death on many millions of the poor and helpless for a Full Spectrum Dominance it could never impose. America’s Capitalist War Machine has raped and destroyed many countries for its profit, and destablized the entire world in its megalomania.
Schumpeter said it best, of Imperial Germany’s military industry: “Created by the wars that required it, the Machine now creates the wars it requires.”
America has been transformed over time from a civil democracy with imperial economics to a militarist empire with vaudeville democracy. This was accomplished by binding both wings of the duopoly to the exclusive interest of Predatory Capitalism with corrupting money. A corporate state imposed via political and military power is the essence of Fascism.
For generations, Americans have been dosed with the ultra-nationalist poison of Exceptionalism, with its implicit racist subtext, and its sexism buried in a hoo-rah masculinity cult, but it has always been flavored with the sweetening agent that We, The People, were both masters and beneficiaries of our benign, patristic system. The last several decades have painfully taught any conscious observer that this is a cynical fiction.
In this election, the threadbare mythology of the duopoly was ripped away in a manner that left no doubt, in even the least informed, most credulous minds, that the American political system was a dead, stinking fraud. Each party, with its purblind lack of understanding of, and connection with, the mass of American people, suffered uniquely humiliating public pantsings.
Having stealthily, assiduously cultivated and nurtured the most regressive, dim, and hateful elements in its Redneck Wing for decades, the CEO Wing gaped impotently as Dogpatch was appropriated by a vulgarian who spoke to peckerwoods directly, not in code. He jettisoned the few Silverspooners and Coupon Clipper Bosses, stole their ground troops and mobilized their outrage. He only succeeded then due to the universal rage of the working class that has been dealt out and bankrupted, its jobs and prospects stolen and its lives sunk, for the benefit of a tiny clique of professional criminals.
The Republican Party is done, killed because Trump grabbed its posse.
Democrats, confident of being lesser evils, opted for selbstmord. After Occupy’s warning, exposes of record financial inequality and the rapid unravelling of democracy, one might have thought a show of fight against those evils would be mandatory, but no: they pre-selected the candidate who embodied them instead. As the long, impassioned cry went up across the country, from the young, working people, the ill and poor, disabled and elderly, for an old man who would be their champion, Party commissars chose to freeze out Bernie’s burn and go geriatrically into that good night. Then, when caught out in their shoddy chicanery, they Hitlered Putin.
The Democratic Party is done, dead of peritonitis from undigested hubris.
The failure of faction, the implosion of coherent parties, means more, not less division and acrimony. America faces now the same degree of crisis that has blown the senile Parties in pieces. The time ahead is fraught with tremendous and unknown perils and challenges with no precedent. Our Republic stands a good chance of becoming ungovernable.
Franklin said, with the tough days in Philadelphia over and the Constitution signed, that we had a Republic, if we could keep it. We’re about to find out.
November 12, 2016 at 7:15 am #57838wvParticipant————————–
Amerian Liberals Unleashed The Trump Monster
link:https://www.newcoldwar.org/american-liberals-unleashed-trump-monster/By Jonathan Cook, published on Jonathan Cook, Nov 9, 2016
The Earth has been shifting under our feet for a while, but all that liberals want to do is desperately cling to the status quo like a life-raft. Middle-class Britons are still hyper-ventiliating about Brexit, and now middle-class America is trembling at the prospect of Donald Trump in the White House.
And, of course, middle-class Americans are blaming everyone but themselves. Typifying this blinkered self-righteousness was a column yesterday, written before news of Trump’s success, from Guardian journalist Jonathan Freedland, Britain’s unofficial stenographer to power and Washington fanboy. He blamed everyone but Hillary Clinton for her difficult path to what he then assumed was the White House.
Well, here is some news for Freedland and American liberals. The reason Trump is heading to the Oval Office is because the Democratic party rigged the primaries to ensure that a candidate who could have beaten Trump, Bernie Sanders, did not get on the ticket. You want to blame someone, blame Clinton and the rotten-to-the-core Democratic party leadership.
But no, liberals won’t be listening because they are too busy blaming Julian Assange and Wikileaks for exposing the truth about the Democratic leadership set out in the Clinton campaign emails – and Russia for supposedly stealing them.
Blame lies squarely, too, with Barack Obama, the great black hope who spent eight years proving how wedded he was to neoliberal orthodoxy at home and a neoconservative agenda abroad.
While liberals praised him to the heavens, he poured the last U.S. treasure into propping up a failed banking system, bankrupting the country to fill the pockets of a tiny, already fabulously wealthy elite. The plutocrats then recycled vast sums to lobbyists and representatives in Congress to buy control there and make sure the voice of ordinary Americans counted for even less than it did before.
Obama also continued the futile “war on terror”, turning the world into one giant battlefield that made every day a payday for the arms industry. The U.S. has been dropping bombs on jihadists and civilians alike, while supplying the very same jihadists with arms to kill yet more civilians.
And all the while, have liberals been campaigning against the military-industrial complex that stole their political system? No, of course not. They have been worrying about the mass migrations of refugees – those fleeing the very resource wars their leaders stoked.
Then there is the liberal media that served as a loyal chorus to Clinton, trying to persuade us that she would make a model president, and to ignore what was in plain sight: that Clinton is even more in the pocket of the bankers and arms dealers than Obama (if that were possible) and would wage more, not less war.
Do I sound a little like Trump as I rant against liberals? Yes, I do. And while you are busy dismissing me as a closet Trump supporter, you can continue your furious refusal to examine the reasons why a truly progressive position appears so similar to a far-right one like Trump’s.
Because real progressives are as frustrated and angry about the status quo as are the poor, vulnerable and disillusioned who turned to Trump. And they had no choice but to vote for Trump because there was no one aside from him in the presidential race articulating anything that approximated the truth.
Sanders was ousted by Clinton and her corrupt coterie. Jill Stein of the Greens was made invisible by a corrupt electoral system. It was either vote for Clinton and the putrid status quo, or vote for Trump and a possibility for change.
Yes, Trump is very bad. He is as much a product of the plutocracy that is now America as Clinton. He, like Clinton, will do nothing to fix the most important issue facing humankind: runaway climate change. He is a climate denier, she is a climate evader.
But unlike Clinton, Trump understood the rising popular anger at the “system”, and he was articulate enough to express it – all it took was a howl of pain.
Trump isn’t the antithesis of liberal America. You liberals created him. You unleashed this monster. It is you in the mirror. You stayed silent, you took no stand while your country was stolen from you. In fact, you did worse: you enthusiastically voted time after time for those who did the stealing.
Now the path is clear and the route fast. The precipice is ahead, and American liberals are firmly in the driving seat.
Jonathan Cook is an award-winning British journalist based in Nazareth, Israel, since 2001. He is the author of three books on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
Also by Jonathan Cook:
No, Hillary Clinton is not less evil than Trump, Nov 7, 2016
Tomorrow, Americans get the chance to vote for a system – resource-hungry, war-peddling corporate capitalism – in two iterations: one has funny hair and a permatan, the other wears lipstick and trouser-suits. Yes, there are some policy differences too, or rather emphases – and Hillary Clinton’s supporters are desperately exploiting them..
November 12, 2016 at 8:23 am #57847wvParticipant————————–
link:http://www.sodiumhaze.org/2016/11/10/it-was-the-rise-of-the-davos-class-that-sealed-americas-fate-naomi-klein/
It Was the Rise of the Davos Class That Sealed America’s Fate |
Naomi Klein
Submitted by admin on November 10, 2016They will blame James Comey and the FBI. They will blame voter suppression and racism. They will blame Bernie or bust and misogyny. They will blame third parties and independent candidates. They will blame the corporate media for giving him the platform, social media for being a bullhorn, and WikiLeaks for airing the laundry.
But this leaves out the force most responsible for creating the nightmare in which we now find ourselves wide awake: neoliberalism. That worldview – fully embodied by Hillary Clinton and her machine – is no match for Trump-style extremism. The decision to run one against the other is what sealed our fate. If we learn nothing else, can we please learn from that mistake?
Here is what we need to understand: a hell of a lot of people are in pain. Under neoliberal policies of deregulation, privatisation, austerity and corporate trade, their living standards have declined precipitously. They have lost jobs. They have lost pensions. They have lost much of the safety net that used to make these losses less frightening. They see a future for their kids even worse than their precarious present.
At the same time, they have witnessed the rise of the Davos class, a hyper-connected network of banking and tech billionaires, elected leaders who are awfully cosy with those interests, and Hollywood celebrities who make the whole thing seem unbearably glamorous. Success is a party to which they were not invited, and they know in their hearts that this rising wealth and power is somehow directly connected to their growing debts and powerlessness.
For the people who saw security and status as their birthright – and that means white men most of all – these losses are unbearable.
Donald Trump speaks directly to that pain. The Brexit campaign spoke to that pain. So do all of the rising far-right parties in Europe. They answer it with nostalgic nationalism and anger at remote economic bureaucracies – whether Washington, the North American free trade agreement the World Trade Organisation or the EU. And of course, they answer it by bashing immigrants and people of colour, vilifying Muslims, and degrading women. Elite neoliberalism has nothing to offer that pain, because neoliberalism unleashed the Davos class. People such as Hillary and Bill Clinton are the toast of the Davos party. In truth, they threw the party.
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Trump’s message was: “All is hell.” Clinton answered: “All is well.” But it’s not well – far from it.
Neo-fascist responses to rampant insecurity and inequality are not going to go away. But what we know from the 1930s is that what it takes to do battle with fascism is a real left. A good chunk of Trump’s support could be peeled away if there were a genuine redistributive agenda on the table. An agenda to take on the billionaire class with more than rhetoric, and use the money for a green new deal. Such a plan could create a tidal wave of well-paying unionised jobs, bring badly needed resources and opportunities to communities of colour, and insist that polluters should pay for workers to be retrained and fully included in this future.
It could fashion policies that fight institutionalised racism, economic inequality and climate change at the same time. It could take on bad trade deals and police violence, and honour indigenous people as the original protectors of the land, water and air.
People have a right to be angry, and a powerful, intersectional left agenda can direct that anger where it belongs, while fighting for holistic solutions that will bring a frayed society together.
Such a coalition is possible. In Canada, we have begun to cobble it together under the banner of a people’s agenda called The Leap Manifesto, endorsed by more than 220 organisations from Greenpeace Canada to Black Lives Matter Toronto, and some of our largest trade unions.
Bernie Sanders’ amazing campaign went a long way towards building this sort of coalition, and demonstrated that the appetite for democratic socialism is out there. But early on, there was a failure in the campaign to connect with older black and Latino voters who are the demographic most abused by our current economic model. That failure prevented the campaign from reaching its full potential. Those mistakes can be corrected and a bold, transformative coalition is there to be built on.
That is the task ahead. The Democratic party needs to be either decisively wrested from pro-corporate neoliberals, or it needs to be abandoned. From Elizabeth Warren to Nina Turner, to the Occupy alumni who took the Bernie campaign supernova, there is a stronger field of coalition-inspiring progressive leaders out there than at any point in my lifetime. We are “leaderful”, as many in the Movement for Black Lives say.
So let’s get out of shock as fast as we can and build the kind of radical movement that has a genuine answer to the hate and fear represented by the Trumps of this world. Let’s set aside whatever is keeping us apart and start right now.
November 12, 2016 at 9:22 am #57860Billy_TParticipantExcerpt (interview with David Harvey, from Jacobin):
Neoliberalism is a widely used term today. However, it is often unclear what people refer to when they use it. In its most systematic usage it might refer to a theory, a set of ideas, a political strategy, or a historical period. Could you begin by explaining how you understand neoliberalism?
I’ve always treated neoliberalism as a political project carried out by the corporate capitalist class as they felt intensely threatened both politically and economically towards the end of the 1960s into the 1970s. They desperately wanted to launch a political project that would curb the power of labor.
In many respects the project was a counterrevolutionary project. It would nip in the bud what, at that time, were revolutionary movements in much of the developing world — Mozambique, Angola, China etc. — but also a rising tide of communist influences in countries like Italy and France and, to a lesser degree, the threat of a revival of that in Spain.
Even in the United States, trade unions had produced a Democratic Congress that was quite radical in its intent. In the early 1970s they, along with other social movements, forced a slew of reforms and reformist initiatives which were anti-corporate: the Environmental Protection Agency, the Occupational Safety and Health Administration, consumer protections, and a whole set of things around empowering labor even more than it had been empowered before.
So in that situation there was, in effect, a global threat to the power of the corporate capitalist class and therefore the question was, “What to do?”. The ruling class wasn’t omniscient but they recognized that there were a number of fronts on which they had to struggle: the ideological front, the political front, and above all they had to struggle to curb the power of labor by whatever means possible. Out of this there emerged a political project which I would call neoliberalism.
Can you talk a bit about the ideological and political fronts and the attacks on labor?
The ideological front amounted to following the advice of a guy named Lewis Powell. He wrote a memo saying that things had gone too far, that capital needed a collective project. The memo helped mobilize the Chamber of Commerce and the Business Roundtable.
Ideas were also important to the ideological front. The judgement at that time was that universities were impossible to organize because the student movement was too strong and the faculty too liberal-minded, so they set up all of these think tanks like the Manhattan Institute, the Heritage Foundation, the Ohlin Foundation. These think tanks brought in the ideas of Freidrich Hayek and Milton Friedman and supply-side economics.
The idea was to have these think tanks do serious research and some of them did — for instance, the National Bureau of Economic Research was a privately funded institution that did extremely good and thorough research. This research would then be published independently and it would influence the press and bit by bit it would surround and infiltrate the universities.
This process took a long time. I think now we’ve reached a point where you don’t need something like the Heritage Foundation anymore. Universities have pretty much been taken over by the neoliberal projects surrounding them.
With respect to labor, the challenge was to make domestic labor competitive with global labor. One way was to open up immigration. In the 1960s, for example, Germans were importing Turkish labor, the French Maghrebian labor, the British colonial labor. But this created a great deal of dissatisfaction and unrest.
Instead they chose the other way — to take capital to where the low-wage labor forces were. But for globalization to work you had to reduce tariffs and empower finance capital, because finance capital is the most mobile form of capital. So finance capital and things like floating currencies became critical to curbing labor.
At the same time, ideological projects to privatize and deregulate created unemployment. So, unemployment at home and offshoring taking the jobs abroad, and a third component: technological change, deindustrialization through automation and robotization. That was the strategy to squash labor.
It was an ideological assault but also an economic assault. To me this is what neoliberalism was about: it was that political project, and I think the bourgeoisie or the corporate capitalist class put it into motion bit by bit.
I don’t think they started out by reading Hayek or anything, I think they just intuitively said, “We gotta crush labor, how do we do it?” And they found that there was a legitimizing theory out there, which would support that.
November 12, 2016 at 9:45 am #57864November 12, 2016 at 9:49 am #57866Billy_TParticipantNovember 14, 2016 at 7:45 am #58250wvParticipantlink:https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2016/nov/14/neoliberalsim-donald-trump-george-monbiot?CMP=share_btn_fb
Neoliberalism: the deep story that lies beneath Donald Trump’s triumph
George MonbiotMonday 14 November 2016 01.30 EST
The events that led to Donald Trump’s election started in England in 1975. At a meeting a few months after Margaret Thatcher became leader of the Conservative party, one of her colleagues, or so the story goes, was explaining what he saw as the core beliefs of conservatism. She snapped open her handbag, pulled out a dog-eared book, and slammed it on the table. “This is what we believe,” she said. A political revolution that would sweep the world had begun.
The book was The Constitution of Liberty by Frederick Hayek. Its publication, in 1960, marked the transition from an honest, if extreme, philosophy to an outright racket. The philosophy was called neoliberalism. It saw competition as the defining characteristic of human relations. The market would discover a natural hierarchy of winners and losers, creating a more efficient system than could ever be devised through planning or by design. Anything that impeded this process, such as significant tax, regulation, trade union activity or state provision, was counter-productive. Unrestricted entrepreneurs would create the wealth that would trickle down to everyone.
This, at any rate, is how it was originally conceived. But by the time Hayek came to write The Constitution of Liberty, the network of lobbyists and thinkers he had founded was being lavishly funded by multimillionaires who saw the doctrine as a means of defending themselves against democracy. Not every aspect of the neoliberal programme advanced their interests. Hayek, it seems, set out to close the gap.
He begins the book by advancing the narrowest possible conception of liberty: an absence of coercion. He rejects such notions as political freedom, universal rights, human equality and the distribution of wealth, all of which, by restricting the behaviour of the wealthy and powerful, intrude on the absolute freedom from coercion he demands.
AdvertisementDemocracy, by contrast, “is not an ultimate or absolute value”. In fact, liberty depends on preventing the majority from exercising choice over the direction that politics and society might take.
He justifies this position by creating a heroic narrative of extreme wealth. He conflates the economic elite, spending their money in new ways, with philosophical and scientific pioneers. Just as the political philosopher should be free to think the unthinkable, so the very rich should be free to do the undoable, without constraint by public interest or public opinion.
The ultra rich are “scouts”, “experimenting with new styles of living”, who blaze the trails that the rest of society will follow. The progress of society depends on the liberty of these “independents” to gain as much money as they want and spend it how they wish. All that is good and useful, therefore, arises from inequality. There should be no connection between merit and reward, no distinction made between earned and unearned income, and no limit to the rents they can charge.
The stories you need to read, in one handy email
Read moreInherited wealth is more socially useful than earned wealth: “the idle rich”, who don’t have to work for their money, can devote themselves to influencing “fields of thought and opinion, of tastes and beliefs.” Even when they seem to be spending money on nothing but “aimless display”, they are in fact acting as society’s vanguard.
Hayek softened his opposition to monopolies and hardened his opposition to trade unions. He lambasted progressive taxation and attempts by the state to raise the general welfare of citizens. He insisted that there is “an overwhelming case against a free health service for all” and dismissed the conservation of natural resources.It should come as no surprise to those who follow such matters that he was awarded the Nobel prize for economics.
By the time Mrs Thatcher slammed his book on the table, a lively network of thinktanks, lobbyists and academics promoting Hayek’s doctrines had been established on both sides of the Atlantic, abundantly financed by some of the world’s richest people and businesses, including DuPont, General Electric, the Coors brewing company, Charles Koch, Richard Mellon Scaife, Lawrence Fertig, the William Volker Fund and the Earhart Foundation. Using psychology and linguistics to brilliant effect, the thinkers these people sponsored found the words and arguments required to turn Hayek’s anthem to the elite into a plausible political programme.
The ideologies Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan espoused were just two facets of neoliberalism.
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The ideologies Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan espoused were just two facets of neoliberalism. Photograph: Bettmann/Bettmann ArchiveThatcherism and Reaganism were not ideologies in their own right: they were just two faces of neoliberalism. Their massive tax cuts for the rich, crushing of trade unions, reduction in public housing, deregulation, privatisation, outsourcing and competition in public services were all proposed by Hayek and his disciples. But the real triumph of this network was not its capture of the right, but its colonisation of parties that once stood for everything Hayek detested.
Bill Clinton and Tony Blair did not possess a narrative of their own. Rather than develop a new political story, they thought it was sufficient to triangulate. In other words, they extracted a few elements of what their parties had once believed, mixed them with elements of what their opponents believed, and developed from this unlikely combination a “third way”.
It was inevitable that the blazing, insurrectionary confidence of neoliberalism would exert a stronger gravitational pull than the dying star of social democracy. Hayek’s triumph could be witnessed everywhere from Blair’s expansion of the private finance initiative to Clinton’s repeal of the Glass-Steagal Act, which had regulated the financial sector. For all his grace and touch, Barack Obama, who didn’t possess a narrative either (except “hope”), was slowly reeled in by those who owned the means of persuasion.
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What will be the first actions Trump takes as president?As I warned in April, the result is first disempowerment then disenfranchisement. If the dominant ideology stops governments from changing social outcomes, they can no longer respond to the needs of the electorate. Politics becomes irrelevant to people’s lives; debate is reduced to the jabber of a remote elite. The disenfranchised turn instead to a virulent anti-politics in which facts and arguments are replaced by slogans, symbols and sensation. The man who sank Hillary Clinton’s bid for the presidency was not Donald Trump. It was her husband.
The paradoxical result is that the backlash against neoliberalism’s crushing of political choice has elevated just the kind of man that Hayek worshipped. Trump, who has no coherent politics, is not a classic neoliberal. But he is the perfect representation of Hayek’s “independent”; the beneficiary of inherited wealth, unconstrained by common morality, whose gross predilections strike a new path that others may follow. The neoliberal thinktankers are now swarming round this hollow man, this empty vessel waiting to be filled by those who know what they want. The likely result is the demolition of our remaining decencies, beginning with the agreement to limit global warming.
AdvertisementThose who tell the stories run the world. Politics has failed through a lack of competing narratives. The key task now is to tell a new story of what it is to be a human in the 21st century. It must be as appealing to some who have voted for Trump and Ukip as it is to the supporters of Clinton, Bernie Sanders or Jeremy Corbyn.
A few of us have been working on this, and can discern what may be the beginning of a story. It’s too early to say much yet, but at its core is the recognition that – as modern psychology and neuroscience make abundantly clear – human beings, by comparison with any other animals, are both remarkably social and remarkably unselfish. The atomisation and self-interested behaviour neoliberalism promotes run counter to much of what comprises human nature.
Hayek told us who we are, and he was wrong. Our first step is to reclaim our humanity.
November 14, 2016 at 7:58 am #58251wvParticipantGood stuff. From the article above:
“… The disenfranchised turn instead to a virulent anti-politics in which facts and arguments are replaced by slogans, symbols and sensation. The man who sank Hillary Clinton’s bid for the presidency was not Donald Trump. It was her husband.
The paradoxical result is that the backlash against neoliberalism’s crushing of political choice has elevated just the kind of man that Hayek worshipped. Trump, who has no coherent politics, is not a classic neoliberal. But he is the perfect representation of Hayek’s “independent”; the beneficiary of inherited wealth, unconstrained by common morality, whose gross predilections strike a new path that others may follow. The neoliberal thinktankers are now swarming round this hollow man, this empty vessel waiting to be filled by those who know what they want. The likely result is the demolition of our remaining decencies, beginning with the agreement to limit global warming….”
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vNovember 14, 2016 at 9:35 am #58256— X —ParticipantThere is no doubt that Trump voters are worse than average in attitudes towards non-white Americans, immigrants, and women.
That’s nice. I’m a Trump voter, and so are many of my friends, associates and family. Including my mother and sister. We all have poor attitudes towards non-white Americans, immigrants, and women I guess. Never mind that a great many of the left’s voters are non-white, vote against Conservatism, and have an even worse than average attitude towards whites and non-whites alike. Black on black crime is ridiculously disproportionate to white on black crime. Black and Latino gangs killing their own and each other (not whites) daily, and in gross. And because Trump is a braggart perv, most of his supporters are also braggart pervs, it seems. That also means we’re all misogynists. Never mind the fact that Black women are almost three times as likely to experience death as a result of domestic and intimate partner violence than White women. And while Black women only make up 8% of the population, 22% of homicides that result from DV/IPV happen to Black Women and 29% of all victimized women, making it one of the leading causes of death for Black women ages 15 to 35. Statistically, they experience sexual assault and DV/IPV at disproportionate rates and have the highest rates of intra-racial violence against them than any other group. But the problem is white-american Trump supporters. They’re the perpetrators of hate, intolerance and misogyny. They’re the ones that impregnate multiple women and leave them with no support. They’re the ones who kill each other in Chicago to the tune of 3891 shot to date, and 689 of them fatally. Instead of condemning that, harshly, the left would rather court their vote with promises of hope and change while doing absolutely nothing to improve their situation.
Having stealthily, assiduously cultivated and nurtured the most regressive, dim, and hateful elements in its Redneck Wing for decades, the CEO Wing gaped impotently as Dogpatch was appropriated by a vulgarian who spoke to peckerwoods directly, not in code. He jettisoned the few Silverspooners and Coupon Clipper Bosses, stole their ground troops and mobilized their outrage.
And now we’re rednecks and peckerwoods if we live in middle America. And those are the only people (rednecks) who got Trump’s message about security, immigration reform, jobs, 2nd amendment rights, and sending unconstitutional S.C. decisions back to the States (aka, legal marijuana and abortion) where the people themselves can make those determinations. Nah. We’re just stupid, dim, regressive, and hateful in the red states. We’re just courted by all dem fansy and perdy werds. AIn’t need nuttin’ else.
For generations, Americans have been dosed with the ultra-nationalist poison of Exceptionalism, with its implicit racist subtext, and its sexism buried in a hoo-rah masculinity cult
Or, it seems, it’s manly-men overflowing with excess testosterone – the neanderthals of the Country – that are the plague. And because they’re manly-men, they’re also racists and sexists. A breed of devolved women hating, mexican haters. They probably hate mexican women more than anything else! Yikes! How do you leftists fix the Country in the face of that super gender? We’ll just kick the shit out of you if you try, and then we’ll rape your women and drive your Latino maids back across the boarder ourselves in our Ford F150’s. Watch your step, y’all. Y’aint’ know what y’all messin’ with.
And of course, they answer it by bashing immigrants and people of colour, vilifying Muslims, and degrading women.
Of course. That’s the only thing we know. We’re stupid.
You have to be odd, to be number one.
-- Dr SeussNovember 14, 2016 at 10:18 am #58260wvParticipantThere is no doubt that Trump voters are worse than average in attitudes towards non-white Americans, immigrants, and women.
That’s nice. I’m a Trump voter, and so are many of my friends, associates and family. Including my mother and sister. We all have poor attitudes towards non-white Americans, immigrants, and women I guess. Never mind that a great many of the left’s voters are non-white, vote against Conservatism, and have an even worse than average attitude towards whites and non-whites alike. Black on black crime is ridiculously disproportionate to white on black crime. Black and Latino gangs killing their own and each other (not whites) daily, and in gross. And because Trump is a braggart perv, most of his supporters are also braggart pervs, it seems. That also means we’re all misogynists. Never mind the fact that Black women are almost three times as likely to experience death as a result of domestic and intimate partner violence than White women. And while Black women only make up 8% of the population, 22% of homicides that result from DV/IPV happen to Black Women and 29% of all victimized women, making it one of the leading causes of death for Black women ages 15 to 35. Statistically, they experience sexual assault and DV/IPV at disproportionate rates and have the highest rates of intra-racial violence against them than any other group. But the problem is white-american Trump supporters. They’re the perpetrators of hate, intolerance and misogyny. They’re the ones that impregnate multiple women and leave them with no support. They’re the ones who kill each other in Chicago to the tune of 3891 shot to date, and 689 of them fatally. Instead of condemning that, harshly, the left would rather court their vote with promises of hope and change while doing absolutely nothing to improve their situation.
Having stealthily, assiduously cultivated and nurtured the most regressive, dim, and hateful elements in its Redneck Wing for decades, the CEO Wing gaped impotently as Dogpatch was appropriated by a vulgarian who spoke to peckerwoods directly, not in code. He jettisoned the few Silverspooners and Coupon Clipper Bosses, stole their ground troops and mobilized their outrage.
And now we’re rednecks and peckerwoods if we live in middle America. And those are the only people (rednecks) who got Trump’s message about security, immigration reform, jobs, 2nd amendment rights, and sending unconstitutional S.C. decisions back to the States (aka, legal marijuana and abortion) where the people themselves can make those determinations. Nah. We’re just stupid, dim, regressive, and hateful in the red states. We’re just courted by all dem fansy and perdy werds. AIn’t need nuttin’ else.
For generations, Americans have been dosed with the ultra-nationalist poison of Exceptionalism, with its implicit racist subtext, and its sexism buried in a hoo-rah masculinity cult
Or, it seems, it’s manly-men overflowing with excess testosterone – the neanderthals of the Country – that are the plague. And because they’re manly-men, they’re also racists and sexists. A breed of devolved women hating, mexican haters. They probably hate mexican women more than anything else! Yikes! How do you leftists fix the Country in the face of that super gender? We’ll just kick the shit out of you if you try, and then we’ll rape your women and drive your Latino maids back across the boarder ourselves in our Ford F150’s. Watch your step, y’all. Y’aint’ know what y’all messin’ with.
And of course, they answer it by bashing immigrants and people of colour, vilifying Muslims, and degrading women.
Of course. That’s the only thing we know. We’re stupid.
—————
But how did you like the article? 🙂
Seriously, i dont interpret it the way you do. I think there is a significant racist-faction among the coalition of factions that voted for Trump. Its ONE faction.
I think the Clintonistas love to OVER-emphasize that one ugly faction.
I think the Trumpites love to UNDER-estimate that one ugly faction.But aside from that (which im not really into) I AM interested in the TOPIC of “Neoliberalism”. The leftists around here have been batting that topic around LONG before Trump became the Rep nominee. I dont like the ‘word’ neoliberal, btw, because i think it confuses a lot of non-political-types.
I think the writer is correct in stating that Trump didnt beat hillary so much as the NeoLib policies of BILL Clinton and Obama kilt Hillary.
Just so you know and to emphasize — i dont agree (or disagree) with everything in an article just coz i post it. You are the same way, i believe.
Also, I KNOW that there are PLENTY of Trump voters who are not racist, sexist, etc. I was arguing that back when Trump first got the Rep nomination.
w
vNovember 14, 2016 at 11:18 am #58270— X —ParticipantI think the Clintonistas love to OVER-emphasize that one ugly faction.
I think the Trumpites love to UNDER-estimate that one ugly faction.I think that’s fair. And I also think that’s what will sustain the divide. Trump supporters will continue to be labeled all the “ists” the left can muster. Democrats will continue to be labeled entitled pussies by the right.
We only have one life. We should all strive to do less of that.
In that regard, I’m more like you all than you might suspect.You have to be odd, to be number one.
-- Dr SeussNovember 14, 2016 at 2:14 pm #58320ZooeyModeratorBlack on black crime is ridiculously disproportionate to white on black crime.
And white on white crime is ridiculously disproportionate to black on white crime.
Cuz, by and large, they don’t live in the same neighborhoods.
November 14, 2016 at 2:19 pm #58322wvParticipantBlack on black crime is ridiculously disproportionate to white on black crime.
And white on white crime is ridiculously disproportionate to black on white crime.
Cuz, by and large, they don’t live in the same neighborhoods.
————–
And, what REALLY complicates things is some of the MOST hideous behavior imaginable — ie,Corporate Pollution, Toxic Waste, etc — is all perfectly LEGAL.
So how do we define ‘crime’ exactly….etc.
w
vNovember 14, 2016 at 2:41 pm #58327— X —ParticipantAnd white on white crime is ridiculously disproportionate to black on white crime.
Cuz, by and large, they don’t live in the same neighborhoods.
Point taken. But I was clumsily trying to make the point that racism (white on black crime is considered the only true form of racism) isn’t as rampant as black on black crime. And yet, which gets the most press? Which is the most repugnant according to the media? Which of the two are people protesting right now?
You have to be odd, to be number one.
-- Dr SeussNovember 20, 2016 at 12:06 pm #59040ZooeyModeratorAnd white on white crime is ridiculously disproportionate to black on white crime.
Cuz, by and large, they don’t live in the same neighborhoods.
Point taken. But I was clumsily trying to make the point that racism (white on black crime is considered the only true form of racism) isn’t as rampant as black on black crime. And yet, which gets the most press? Which is the most repugnant according to the media? Which of the two are people protesting right now?
If you are talking about Black Lives Matter, then I think you are over-simplifying what that is about.
It isn’t just white on black crime. It isn’t crime totals. The black on black crime statistics are a diversion from the point, deliberately promoted to distract from the real issue. The real issue is how white power structures dispossess black people all the time. Daily. And all the videos of white police (power structures) assaulting powerless black men reinforces that experience, becomes symbolic of that experience which manifests itself in all kinds of ways, many of them not criminal at all (like job discrimination). For example, numerous experiments have been conducted on job screening. Sociologists have submitted job applications to see who gets called in for interviews.
And, of course, what they have found is when they put names like DeQ’uisha Jefferson and LaRondry Isaiah on the applications, they don’t get called for interviews as often as the Jennifer Smiths of the world – even when the entire resume is significantly stronger. Moreover, blacks are more likely to be pulled over by cops, searched by cops, arrested by cops, found guilty, and serve longer terms than white people are. That is all just data-driven, empirically true. Their neighborhoods get less funding, their police and fire departments get less funding, their infrastructure gets less attention, and their schools get less funding. They spend more time in prison than white people, and a higher percentage of them go to prison, even though studies show that crime rates are roughly the same demographically.
On top of that, they see their neighbors harassed, and sometimes even SHOT when they are trying to comply with officers. Some of these incidents have been caught on camera, as you well know.
So do black people commit crimes against black people more often than black people get shot by white people? Yes, of course. But that is not a systemic abuse of power. That’s crime. That’s a different thing altogether and not at all comparable.
And, frankly, I don’t even know why this is even controversial. To me it is so completely obvious that the power structures in this country are inherently racially biased, I am simply surprised that people take issue with the assertion.
Oh, and also. They don’t see any justice when a white officer abuses a black man or woman. They often just get paid leave, and that’s it. Paid vacation for shooting a black man. The charge against the guy who shot Phillipe Castille (did I get that name right?) is rare.
- This reply was modified 7 years, 12 months ago by Zooey.
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