just the obvious stuff on the confederate flag

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  • #26712
    zn
    Moderator

    vb

    Some more on all that.

    ===============

    What This Cruel War Was Over

    http://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2015/06/what-this-cruel-war-was-over/396482/

    The meaning of the Confederate flag is best discerned in the words of those who bore it.

    This afternoon, in announcing her support for removing the Confederate flag from the capitol grounds, South Carolina Governor Nikki Haley asserted that killer Dylann Roof had “a sick and twisted view of the flag” which did not reflect “the people in our state who respect and in many ways revere it.” If the governor meant that very few of the flag’s supporters believe in mass murder, she is surely right. But on the question of whose view of the Confederate Flag is more twisted, she is almost certainly wrong.

    Roof’s belief that black life had no purpose beyond subjugation is “sick and twisted” in the exact same manner as the beliefs of those who created the Confederate flag were “sick and twisted.” The Confederate flag is directly tied to the Confederate cause, and the Confederate cause was white supremacy. This claim is not the result of revisionism. It does not require reading between the lines. It is the plain meaning of the words of those who bore the Confederate flag across history. These words must never be forgotten. Over the next few months the word “heritage” will be repeatedly invoked. It would be derelict to not examine the exact contents of that heritage.

    This examination should begin in South Carolina, the site of our present and past catastrophe. South Carolina was the first state to secede, two months after the election of Abraham Lincoln. It was in South Carolina that the Civil War began, when the Confederacy fired on Fort Sumter. The state’s casus belli was neither vague nor hard to comprehend:

    …A geographical line has been drawn across the Union, and all the States north of that line have united in the election of a man to the high office of President of the United States, whose opinions and purposes are hostile to slavery. He is to be entrusted with the administration of the common Government, because he has declared that that “Government cannot endure permanently half slave, half free,” and that the public mind must rest in the belief that slavery is in the course of ultimate extinction. This sectional combination for the submersion of the Constitution, has been aided in some of the States by elevating to citizenship, persons who, by the supreme law of the land, are incapable of becoming citizens; and their votes have been used to inaugurate a new policy, hostile to the South, and destructive of its beliefs and safety.

    In citing slavery, South Carolina was less an outlier than a leader, setting the tone for other states, including Mississippi:

    Our position is thoroughly identified with the institution of slavery—the greatest material interest of the world. Its labor supplies the product which constitutes by far the largest and most important portions of commerce of the earth. These products are peculiar to the climate verging on the tropical regions, and by an imperious law of nature, none but the black race can bear exposure to the tropical sun. These products have become necessities of the world, and a blow at slavery is a blow at commerce and civilization. That blow has been long aimed at the institution, and was at the point of reaching its consummation. There was no choice left us but submission to the mandates of abolition, or a dissolution of the Union, whose principles had been subverted to work out our ruin…

    Louisiana:

    As a separate republic, Louisiana remembers too well the whisperings of European diplomacy for the abolition of slavery in the times of an­nexation not to be apprehensive of bolder demonstrations from the same quarter and the North in this country. The people of the slave holding States are bound together by the same necessity and determination to preserve African slavery.

    Alabama:

    Upon the principles then announced by Mr. Lincoln and his leading friends, we are bound to expect his administration to be conducted. Hence it is, that in high places, among the Republi­can party, the election of Mr. Lincoln is hailed, not simply as it change of Administration, but as the inauguration of new princi­ples, and a new theory of Government, and even as the downfall of slavery. Therefore it is that the election of Mr. Lincoln cannot be regarded otherwise than a solemn declaration, on the part of a great majority of the Northern people, of hostility to the South, her property and her institutions—nothing less than an open declaration of war—for the triumph of this new theory of Government destroys the property of the South, lays waste her fields, and inaugurates all the horrors of a San Domingo servile insurrection, consigning her citizens to assassinations, and. her wives and daughters to pollution and violation, to gratify the lust of half-civilized Africans.

    Texas:

    …in this free government all white men are and of right ought to be entitled to equal civil and political rights; that the servitude of the African race, as existing in these States, is mutually beneficial to both bond and free, and is abundantly authorized and justified by the experience of mankind, and the revealed will of the Almighty Creator, as recognized by all Christian nations; while the destruction of the existing relations between the two races, as advocated by our sectional enemies, would bring inevitable calamities upon both and desolation upon the fifteen slave-holding states….

    None of this was new. In 1858, the eventual president of the Confederacy Jefferson Davis threatened secession should a Republican be elected to the presidency:

    I say to you here as I have said to the Democracy of New York, if it should ever come to pass that the Constitution shall be perverted to the destruction of our rights so that we shall have the mere right as a feeble minority unprotected by the barrier of the Constitution to give an ineffectual negative vote in the Halls of Congress, we shall then bear to the federal government the relation our colonial fathers did to the British crown, and if we are worthy of our lineage we will in that event redeem our rights even if it be through the process of revolution.

    It is difficult for modern Americans to understand such militant commitment to the bondage of others. But at $3.5 billion, the four million enslaved African Americans in the South represented the country’s greatest financial asset. And the dollar amount does not hint at the force of enslavement as a social institution. By the onset of the Civil War, Southern slaveholders believed that African slavery was one of the great organizing institutions in world history, superior to the “free society” of the North.

    From an 1856 issue of Alabama’s Muscogee Herald:

    Free Society! we sicken at the name. What is it but a conglomeration of greasy mechanics, filthy operatives, small-fisted farmers, and moon-struck theorists? All the Northern men and especially the New England States are devoid of society fitted for well-bred gentlemen. The prevailing class one meet with is that of mechanics struggling to be genteel, and small farmers who do their own drudgery, and yet are hardly fit for association with a Southern gentleman’s body servant. This is your free society which Northern hordes are trying to extend into Kansas.

    The last sentence refers to the conflict over slavery between free-soilers and slave-holders. The conflict was not merely about the right to hold another human in bondage, but how that right created the foundation for white equality.

    Jefferson Davis again:

    You too know, that among us, white men have an equality resulting from a presence of a lower caste, which cannot exist where white men fill the position here occupied by the servile race. The mechanic who comes among us, employing the less intellectual labor of the African, takes the position which only a master-workman occupies where all the mechanics are white, and therefore it is that our mechanics hold their position of absolute equality among us.

    Black slavery as the basis of white equality was a frequent theme for slaveholders. In his famous “Cotton Is King” speech, James Henry Hammond compared the alleged wage slavery of the North with black slavery—and white equality—in the South:

    The difference between us is, that our slaves are hired for life and well compensated; there is no starvation, no begging, no want of employment among our people, and not too much employment either. Yours are hired by the day, not cared for, and scantily compensated, which may be proved in the most painful manner, at any hour in any street of your large towns. Why, you meet more beggars in one day, in any single street of the city of New York, than you would meet in a lifetime in the whole South.

    We do not think that whites should be slaves either by law or necessity. Our slaves are black, of another and inferior race. The status in which we have placed them is an elevation. They are elevated from the condition in which God first created them, by being made our slaves. None of that race on the whole face of the globe can be compared with the slaves of the South. They are happy, content, unaspiring, and utterly incapable, from intellectual weakness, ever to give us any trouble by their aspirations. Yours are white, of your own race; you are brothers of one blood. They are your equals in natural endowment of intellect, and they feel galled by their degradation.

    On the eve of secession, Georgia Governor Joseph E. Brown concurred:

    Among us the poor white laborer is respected as an equal. His family is treated with kindness, consideration and respect. He does not belong to the menial class. The negro is in no sense of the term his equal. He feels and knows this. He belongs to the only true aristocracy, the race of white men. He black no masters boots, and bows the knee to no one save God alone. He receives higher wages for his labor than does the laborer of any other portion of the world, and he raises up his children with the knowledge, that they belong to no inferior cast, but that the highest members of the society in which he lives, will, if their conduct is good, respect and treat them as equals.

    Thus in the minds of these Southern nationalists, the destruction of slavery would not merely mean the loss of property but the destruction of white equality, and thus of the peculiar Southern way of life:

    If the policy of the Republicans is carried out, according to the programme indicated by the leaders of the party, and the South submits, degradation and ruin must overwhelm alike all classes of citizens in the Southern States. The slave-holder and non-­slave-holder must ultimately share the same fate—all be degraded to a position of equality with free negroes, stand side by side with them at the polls, and fraternize in all the social relations of life; or else there will be an eternal war of races, desolating the land with blood, and utterly wasting and destroying all the resources of the country.

    Slaveholders were not modest about the perceived virtues of their way of life. In the years leading up to the Civil War, calls for expansion into the tropics reached a fever pitch, and slaveholders marveled at the possibility of spreading a new empire into central America:

    Looking into the possibilities of the future, regarding the magnificent country of tropical America, which lies in the path of our destiny on this continent, we may see an empire as powerful and gorgeous as ever was pictured in our dreams of history. What is that empire? It is an empire founded on military ideas; representing the noble peculiarities of Southern civilization; including within its limits the isthmuses of America and the regenerated West Indies; having control of the two dominant staples of the world’s commerce—cotton and sugar; possessing the highways of the world’s commerce; surpassing all empires of the age in the strength of its geographical position; and, in short, combining elements of strength, prosperity, and glory, such as never before in the modern ages have been placed within the reach of a single government. What a splendid vision of empire!

    How sublime in its associations! How noble and inspiriting the idea, that upon the strange theatre of tropical America, once, if we may believe the dimmer facts of history, crowned with magnificent empires and flashing cities and great temples, now covered with mute ruins, and trampled over by half-savages, the destiny of Southern civilization is to be consummated in a glory brighter even than that of old, the glory of an empire, controlling the commerce of the world, impregnable in its position, and representing in its internal structure the most harmonious of all the systems of modern civilization.

    Edward Pollard, the journalist who wrote that book, titled it Black Diamonds Gathered In The Darkey Homes Of The South. Perhaps even this is too subtle. In 1858, Mississippi Senator Albert Gallatin Brown was clearer:

    I want Cuba, and I know that sooner or later we must have it. If the worm-eaten throne of Spain is willing to give it for a fair equivalent, well—if not, we must take it. I want Tamaulipas, Potosi, and one or two other Mexican Stats; and I want them all for the same reason—for the planting and spreading of slavery.

    And a footing in Central America will powerfully aid us in acquiring those other states. It will render them less valuable to the other powers of the earth, and thereby diminish competition with us. Yes, I want these countries for the spread of slavery. I would spread the blessings of slavery, like the religion of our Divine Master, to the uttermost ends of the earth, and rebellious and wicked as the Yankees have been, I would even extend it to them.

    I would not force it upon them, as I would not force religion upon them, but I would preach it to them, as I would preach the gospel. They are a stiff-necked and rebellious race, and I have little hope that they will receive the blessing, and I would therefore prepare for its spread to other more favored lands.

    Thus in 1861, when the Civil War began, the Union did not face a peaceful Southern society wanting to be left alone. It faced an an aggressive power, a Genosha, an entire society based on the bondage of a third of its residents, with dreams of expanding its fields of the bondage further South. It faced the dream of a vast American empire of slavery. In January of 1861, three months before the Civil War commenced, Florida secessionists articulated the position directly:

    At the South, and with our People of course, slavery is the element of all value, and a destruction of that destroys all that is property. This party, now soon to take possession of the powers of the Government, is sectional, irresponsible to us, and driven on by an infuriated fanatical madness that defies all opposition, must inevitably destroy every vestige or right growing out of property in slaves.

    Gentlemen, the State of Florida is now a member of the Union under the power of the Government, so to go into the hands of this party.

    As we stand our doom is decreed.

    Not yet. As the Late Unpleasantness stretched from the predicted months into years, the very reason for the Confederacy’s existence came to threaten its diplomatic efforts. Fighting for slavery presented problems abroad, and so Confederate diplomats came up with the notion of emphasizing “states rights” over “slavery”—the first manifestation of what would later become a plank in the foundation of Lost Cause mythology.

    The first people to question that mythology were themselves Confederates, distraught to find their motives downplayed or treated as embarassments. A Richmond-based newspaper offered the following:

    ‘The people of the South,’ says a contemporary, ‘are not fighting for slavery but for independence.’ Let us look into this matter. It is an easy task, we think, to show up this new-fangled heresy — a heresy calculated to do us no good, for it cannot deceive foreign statesmen nor peoples, nor mislead any one here nor in Yankeeland. . . Our doctrine is this: WE ARE FIGHTING FOR INDEPENDENCE THAT OUR GREAT AND NECESSARY DOMESTIC INSTITUTION OF SLAVERY SHALL BE PRESERVED, and for the preservation of other institutions of which slavery is the groundwork.

    Even after the war, as the Lost Cause rose, many veterans remained clear about why they had rallied to the Confederate flag. “I’ve never heard of any other cause than slavery,” wrote Confederate commander John S. Mosby. The progeny of the Confederacy repeatedly invoked slavery as the war’s cause.

    Here, for example, is Mississippi Senator John Sharp Williams in 1904:

    Local self-government temporarily destroyed may be recovered and ultimately retained. The other thing for which we fought is so complex in its composition, so delicate in its breath, so incomparable in its symmetry, that, being once destroyed, it is forever destroyed. This other thing for which we fought was the supremacy of the white man’s civilization in the country which he proudly claimed his own; “in the land which the Lord his God had given him;” founded upon the white man’s code of ethics, in sympathy with the white man’s tra­ditions and ideals.

    The Confederate Veteran—the official publication of the United Confederate Veterans—in 1906:

    The kindliest relation that ever existed between the two races in this country, or that ever will, was the ante-bellum relation of master and slave—a relation of confidence and responsibility on the part of the master and of dependence and fidelity on the part of the slave.

    The Confederate Veteran again in 1911:

    The African, com­ing from a barbarous state and from a tropical climate, could not meet the demands for skilled labor in the factories of the Northern States; neither could he endure the severe cold of the Northern winter. For these reasons it was both mer­ciful and “business” to sell him to the Southern planter, where the climate was more favorable and skilled labor not so important. In the South the climate, civilization, and other influences ameliorated the African’s condition, and that of almost the entire race of slaves, which numbered into the millions before their emancipation. It should be noted that their evangelization was the most fruitful missionary work of any modern Christian endeavor. The thoughtful and considerate negro of to-day realizes his indebtedness to the in­stitution of African slavery for advantages which he would not have received had he remained in his semi-barbarism wait­ing in his native jungles for the delayed missionary.

    And in 1917, the Confederate Veteran singled out one man for particular praise:

    Great and trying times always produce great leaders, and one was at hand—Nathan Bedford Forrest. His plan, the only course left open. The organization of a secret govern­ment. A terrible government; a government that would govern in spite of black majorities and Federal bayonets. This secret government was organized in every community in the South, and this government is known in history as the Klu Klux Clan…

    Here in all ages to come the Southern romancer and poet can find the inspiration for fiction and song. No nobler or grander spirits ever assembled on this earth than gathered in these clans. No human hearts were ever moved with nobler impulses or higher aims and purposes….Order was restored, property safe; because the negro feared the Klu Klux Clan more than he feared the devil. Even the Federal bayonets could not give him confidence in the black government which had been established for him, and the negro voluntarily surrendered to the Klu Klux Clan, and the very moment he did, the “Invisible Army” vanished in a night. Its purpose had been fulfilled.

    Bedford Forrest should always be held in reverence by every son and daughter of the South as long as memory holds dear the noble deeds and service of men for the good of others on, this earth. What mind is base enough to think of what might have happened but for Bedford Forrest and his “Invisible” but victorious army.

    In praising the Klan’s terrorism, Confederate veterans and their descendants displayed a remarkable consistency. White domination was the point. Slavery failed. Domination prevailed nonetheless. This was the basic argument of Florida Democratic Senator Duncan Fletcher. “The Cause Was Not Entirely Lost,” he argued in a 1931 speech before the United Daughters of the Confederacy:

    The South fought to preserve race integrity. Did we lose that? We fought to maintain free white dominion. Did we lose that? The States are in control of the people. Local self-government, democratic government, obtains. That was not lost. The rights of the sovereign States, under the Constitution, are recognized. We did not lose that. I submit that what is called “The Lost Cause” was not so much “lost” as is sometimes supposed.

    Indeed it was not. For a century after the Civil War, White Supremacy ruled the South. Toward the end of that century, as activists began to effectively challenge white supremacy, its upholders reached for a familiar symbol.

    Invocations of the flag were supported by invocations of the Confederacy itself. But by then, neo-Confederates had begun walking back their overt defenses of slavery. United Daughters of the Confederacy Magazine claimed that…

    Jefferson Davis, Robert E. Lee, Thomas Jonathan Stonewall Jackson, Nathan Bedford Forrest, Raphael Semmes and the 600,000 soldiers and sailors of the Confederacy did not fight for a “Lost Cause.” They fought to repel invasion, and in defense of their Constitutional liberties bequeathed them by their forefathers…

    The glorious blood-red Confederate Battle Flag that streamed ahead of the Confederate soldiers in more than 2000 battles is not a conquered banner. It is an emblem of Freedom.

    It was no longer politic to spell out the exact nature of that freedom. But one gets a sense of it, given that article quickly pivots into an attack on desegregation:

    Since the Supreme Court decision of May 17, 1954, reversed what had been the Supreme Law of the land for 75 years and declared unconstitutional the laws of 17 states under which segregated school systems were established, the thinking people have been aroused from their lethargy in respect to State’s Rights.

    In this we see the progression of what became known as the “Heritage Not Hate” argument. Bold defenses of slavery became passé. It just happened that those who praised the flag, also tended to praise the instruments of white supremacy popular in that day.

    And then there were times when the mask slipped. “Quit looking at the symbols,” South Carolina State Representative John Graham Altman said during a debate over the flag’s fate in 1997. “Get out and get a job. Quit shooting each other. Quit having illegitimate babies.”

    Nikki Haley deserves credit for calling for the removal of the Confederate flag. She deserves criticism for couching that removal as matter of manners. At the present moment the effort to remove the flag is being cast as matter of politesse, a matter over which reasonable people may disagree. The flag is a “painful symbol” concedes David French. Its removal might “offer relief to those genuinely hurt,” writes Ian Tuttle. “To many, it is a symbol of racial hatred,” tweeted Mitt Romney. The flag has been “misappropriated by hate groups,” claims South Carolina senator Tom Davis.

    This mythology of manners is adopted in lieu of the mythology of the Lost Cause. But it still has the great drawback of being rooted in a lie. The Confederate flag should not come down because it is offensive to African Americans. The Confederate flag should come down because it is embarrassing to all Americans. The embarrassment is not limited to the flag, itself. The fact that it still flies, that one must debate its meaning in 2015, reflects an incredible ignorance. A century and a half after Lincoln was killed, after 750,000 of our ancestors died, Americans still aren’t quite sure why.

    #26763
    Mackeyser
    Moderator

    It pains me when these politicians are so in their bubble that it doesn’t occur to them that before speaking that they should have someone use fucking GOOGLE.

    I mean… we’re not talking an exhaustive Lexis/Nexis search here… it’s Google. The actual history of the Confederate Flag isn’t all that hard to KNOW. It’s not a matter of lost history or a matter of conjecture left to faith or opinion.

    We know it.

    It’s a known thing.

    Which is why these statements in light of the facts are so offensive. They aren’t political soft shoe. They’re offensive.

    Like I said… Politics is pornography for polite society…

    You know it when you see it, right?

    Sports is the crucible of human virtue. The distillate remains are human vice.

    #26769
    zn
    Moderator
    #26771
    canadaram
    Participant

    “Two decades behind America’s favourite crash based sport.”

    Ha!

    #26781
    joemad
    Participant

    http://jonathanschmock.com/

    #26826
    Mackeyser
    Moderator

    Monica Crowley at the end saying with a straight face, “Does institutional racism still exist? No, it does not!”

    Where’s that Freaky Friday crystal when you need it?

    I’d love to zap that blond white woman dripping with white privilege and have her swap with a woman of color for a month. Deep color so she gets the full experience.

    If there was ONE thing I liked above all others in Minority Report, it was the memory recorders.

    A person could be re-educated about race pretty quick with something like that. Ripe for abuse and misuse, but the promise is there…

    Sports is the crucible of human virtue. The distillate remains are human vice.

    #26828
    wv
    Participant

    It pains me when these politicians are so in their bubble that it doesn’t occur to them that before speaking that they should have someone use fucking GOOGLE.

    I mean… we’re not talking an exhaustive Lexis/Nexis search here… it’s Google. The actual history of the Confederate Flag isn’t all that hard to KNOW. It’s not a matter of lost history or a matter of conjecture left to faith or opinion.

    We know it.

    It’s a known thing.

    Which is why these statements in light of the facts are so offensive. They aren’t political soft shoe. They’re offensive.

    Like I said… Politics is pornography for polite society…

    You know it when you see it, right?

    Well maybe just a bit of devil’s-advocacy here, but
    things ‘do’ change meanings. Things morph. Things are ideologically elastic.
    So, maybe to many white folks the confed-flag means “honor” or Anti-big-Government”
    or “chivalry” or some such thing. It may not “mean” racism to everyone.

    So, then the very “meaning” of the flag is contested ideological ground.

    Who gets to decide what “it means” ? And is the “history of the flag” the only factor
    in determining what it means “now” ?

    w
    v

    #26829
    zn
    Moderator

    So, maybe to many white folks the confed-flag means “honor” or Anti-big-Government”
    or “chivalry” or some such thing. It may not “mean” racism to everyone.

    But it could only mean those things to people who do not know, or care about, the history. First, it’s not a confederate flag. It’s the battle flag of the army of north virginia. Second, it really came into prominence in the era of the pro-segregationist dixiecrat movement. To the degree it represents honor, it means honor fighting for the confederacy…yet, there would be no civil war without secession, and according to the confederates themselves, secession meant defending slavery and fighting off abolition. To the degree it represents anti-big government, that too is allied with the anti-civil rights viewpoint. Northern neo-liberals don’t identify with the so-called “confederate flag” (ie the battle flag of the army of north virginia made popular in the 20th century by anti-desegregation dixicrates.)

    The question is, should that flag fly as an official symbol of the state government of south carolina?

    In that sense, “who’s to say” is the state of south carolina, by means of a vote.

    I doubt the african-american population (and much of the white population)of south carolina sees it in that capacity, as an official symbol of the state, as representing honor. They see it as both representing the old world of confederate slavery AND forgetting about the meaning of slavery. Who else can tell them it means different?

    So this is one of those things that gets settled by a vote.

    #26830
    nittany ram
    Moderator

    It pains me when these politicians are so in their bubble that it doesn’t occur to them that before speaking that they should have someone use fucking GOOGLE.

    I mean… we’re not talking an exhaustive Lexis/Nexis search here… it’s Google. The actual history of the Confederate Flag isn’t all that hard to KNOW. It’s not a matter of lost history or a matter of conjecture left to faith or opinion.

    We know it.

    It’s a known thing.

    Which is why these statements in light of the facts are so offensive. They aren’t political soft shoe. They’re offensive.

    Like I said… Politics is pornography for polite society…

    You know it when you see it, right?

    Well maybe just a bit of devil’s-advocacy here, but
    things ‘do’ change meanings. Things morph. Things are ideologically elastic.
    So, maybe to many white folks the confed-flag means “honor” or Anti-big-Government”
    or “chivalry” or some such thing. It may not “mean” racism to everyone.

    So, then the very “meaning” of the flag is contested ideological ground.

    Who gets to decide what “it means” ? And is the “history of the flag” the only factor
    in determining what it means “now” ?

    w
    v

    What zn said. Besides, just because a flag comes to represent something different than its historical meaning for some people doesn’t negate its original meaning. Nor does that make it easier for the people who have suffered under that banner. That’s the argument Redskins supporters use. “The name doesn’t have the same meaning as it used too…” Oh yeah? For whom?
    Would it be ok to fly the Nazi flag over a government building in a state where 30% of the population is Jewish just because the meaning of the swastika may have a different connotation today for some people?

    #26831
    wv
    Participant

    It pains me when these politicians are so in their bubble that it doesn’t occur to them that before speaking that they should have someone use fucking GOOGLE.

    I mean… we’re not talking an exhaustive Lexis/Nexis search here… it’s Google. The actual history of the Confederate Flag isn’t all that hard to KNOW. It’s not a matter of lost history or a matter of conjecture left to faith or opinion.

    We know it.

    It’s a known thing.

    Which is why these statements in light of the facts are so offensive. They aren’t political soft shoe. They’re offensive.

    Like I said… Politics is pornography for polite society…

    You know it when you see it, right?

    Well maybe just a bit of devil’s-advocacy here, but
    things ‘do’ change meanings. Things morph. Things are ideologically elastic.
    So, maybe to many white folks the confed-flag means “honor” or Anti-big-Government”
    or “chivalry” or some such thing. It may not “mean” racism to everyone.

    So, then the very “meaning” of the flag is contested ideological ground.

    Who gets to decide what “it means” ? And is the “history of the flag” the only factor
    in determining what it means “now” ?

    w
    v

    What zn said. Besides, just because a flag comes to represent something different than its historical meaning for some people doesn’t negate its original meaning. Nor does that make it easier for the people who have suffered under that banner. That’s the argument Redskins supporters use. “The name doesn’t have the same meaning as it used too…” Oh yeah? For whom?
    Would it be ok to fly the Nazi flag over a government building in a state where 30% of the population is Jewish just because the meaning of the swastika may have a different connotation today for some people?

    Well thats exactly what i was thinking about — the Redskin issue. There are plenty of
    Washington fans who seem to think it doesnt matter what the R-word ‘used to mean’ but
    what matters is what it means ‘now’ — and to THEM, it means pride, honor, blah blah blah.

    Now i dont like the R-word or the Stars and Bars,
    but i think that any discussion about issues like that
    needs to address that notion that ‘meanings change’.

    I personally, would change the R-word on the helmets
    and take down the stars/bars — but i ‘do’ recognize
    and acknowledge that them there symbols dont mean
    the same thing to everyone and meanings do change.
    Just something to mull over.

    I think my point might be that not everyone
    who likes the redskin label or stars and bars
    is “racist”. I guess thats my point.

    w
    v

    • This reply was modified 9 years, 3 months ago by wv.
    #26833
    nittany ram
    Moderator

    It pains me when these politicians are so in their bubble that it doesn’t occur to them that before speaking that they should have someone use fucking GOOGLE.

    I mean… we’re not talking an exhaustive Lexis/Nexis search here… it’s Google. The actual history of the Confederate Flag isn’t all that hard to KNOW. It’s not a matter of lost history or a matter of conjecture left to faith or opinion.

    We know it.

    It’s a known thing.

    Which is why these statements in light of the facts are so offensive. They aren’t political soft shoe. They’re offensive.

    Like I said… Politics is pornography for polite society…

    You know it when you see it, right?

    Well maybe just a bit of devil’s-advocacy here, but
    things ‘do’ change meanings. Things morph. Things are ideologically elastic.
    So, maybe to many white folks the confed-flag means “honor” or Anti-big-Government”
    or “chivalry” or some such thing. It may not “mean” racism to everyone.

    So, then the very “meaning” of the flag is contested ideological ground.

    Who gets to decide what “it means” ? And is the “history of the flag” the only factor
    in determining what it means “now” ?

    w
    v

    What zn said. Besides, just because a flag comes to represent something different than its historical meaning for some people doesn’t negate its original meaning. Nor does that make it easier for the people who have suffered under that banner. That’s the argument Redskins supporters use. “The name doesn’t have the same meaning as it used too…” Oh yeah? For whom?
    Would it be ok to fly the Nazi flag over a government building in a state where 30% of the population is Jewish just because the meaning of the swastika may have a different connotation today for some people?

    Well thats exactly what i was thinking about — the Redskin issue. There are plenty of
    Washington fans who seem to think it doesnt matter what the R-word ‘used to mean’ but
    what matters is what it means ‘now’ — and to THEM, it means pride, honor, blah blah blah.

    Now i dont like the R-word or the Stars and Bars,
    but i think that any discussion about issues like that
    needs to address that notion that ‘meanings change’.

    I personally, would change the R-word on the helmets
    and take down the stars/bars — but i ‘do’ recognize
    and acknowledge that them there symbols dont mean
    the same thing to everyone and meanings do change.
    Just something to mull over.

    I think my point might be that not everyone
    who likes the redskin label or stars and bars
    is “racist”. I guess thats my point.

    w
    v

    I agree that everyone who supports the flying of the stars and bars is not necessarily a racist.

    But they are a little insensitive. I mean, that flag is still flying at every Klan meeting. It’s still proudly displayed at every white supremacist gathering. It was flown proudly at every cross burning and lynching. It was at every African American church bombing. The events that happened in the civil war that the flag commemorates for the proud “non-racist” folks occurred over 150 years ago. No one alive today has any tie-in to those events except through some distant ancestor they never met. The acts of terror associated with that flag are still raw in the memories of several generations of minorities living today. Heck, there are brand-new memories being made all the time.

    So for that reason I put more weight on the concerns of those who were oppressed under that banner than those who display some misguided pride in it.

    #26836
    Zooey
    Moderator

    I don’t believe there is much “misguided” pride.

    I’m pretty sure that is sophistry.

    I’m pretty confident that nobody – NOBODY – is oblivious to the racist quality of that flag, even if they don’t endorse it whole-heartedly. I will allow that it is possible that some people care much more about the Southern Pride thing. But I do not believe that they are ignorant of how it offends descendants of slaves, and lots of other people, too.

    #26838
    nittany ram
    Moderator

    I don’t believe there is much “misguided” pride.

    I’m pretty sure that is sophistry.

    I’m pretty confident that nobody – NOBODY – is oblivious to the racist quality of that flag, even if they don’t endorse it whole-heartedly. I will allow that it is possible that some people care much more about the Southern Pride thing. But I do not believe that they are ignorant of how it offends descendants of slaves, and lots of other people, too.

    I agree. By misguided pride I didn’t mean they didn’t know of the flag’s racist connotation. They know it offends African Americans and others but they don’t care. They are dismissive of the African American experience and the atrocities committed in the name of that flag. That’s why they are insensitve.

    By ‘misguided pride’ I was refering to what usually happens in war. The rich land owners didn’t want to lose their way of life so they enlisted poor whites (most of whom owned no land and could have never even afforded to own a slave) to bravely spill their blood in defense of their pocketbooks. So this whole southern pride in the stars and bars is misguided. What that flag really represents is poor white farmers fighting and dying over issues that had no bearing on their everyday lives. Win or lose those soldiers lives weren’t going to be any different. They were simply the pawns of the rich southern plantation owners.

    #26858
    wv
    Participant

    I don’t believe there is much “misguided” pride.

    I’m pretty sure that is sophistry.

    I’m pretty confident that nobody – NOBODY – is oblivious to the racist quality of that flag, even if they don’t endorse it whole-heartedly. I will allow that it is possible that some people care much more about the Southern Pride thing. But I do not believe that they are ignorant of how it offends descendants of slaves, and lots of other people, too.

    I dunno, Zooey. Every other pick-up-truck in WV
    has the stars and bars on it. I’ve talked to a lot
    of those folks and a lot are unrepentant racists,
    and a lot seem to be…somethin else. Insensitive,
    and usually angry for sure, but I’m not so sure
    the word ‘racist’ would fit. Its complicated.

    w
    v

    #26875
    Mackeyser
    Moderator

    Well, the poll taken in WV in 2008 when it became clear that Barack Obama was cruising to a victory showed that 10% of West Virginians didn’t think that African Americans were American.

    I mean, forget capable of serving as President. When this 10% saw a black person, they quite literally equated the skin color with being INCAPABLE of being an American. To them, America = White and this in a REAL and VISCERAL way.

    And this was not West Virginia Republicans, this was writ large West Virginians. A nationwide poll found that number held up within the margin of error. It was lower, iirc, closer to 8% or 7%, but there’s a significant population who simply do NOT see black people as citizens. AT ALL.

    Which would go far in explaining the blatant racism exhibited in this country since President Obama got elected. There is an element that simply cannot accept that black people are citizens, thus a black President means the country has been “taken over” and we’ve all heard this line before, they “have to take the country back”. Of course, right-wing opportunists have seized on this only too happy to play on that racial hatred. Rather than have a William F. Buckley who went after the anti-semites and ran the Birchers out of the party and into the shadows, all you have are political operatives who celebrate hatred and division for political gain.

    It’s not THAT complicated.

    Southern Pride? There are UMPTEEN different ways to demonstrate Southern Pride other than via the Stars and Bars and living here in the deep south, I see it all the time.

    The Stars and Bars are a CHOICE, a conscious choice by a white person to say to society, “I know what this symbol means. I may say in mixed company that it’s all about heritage or I may not. But, gun to my head, truth be told, this is about me thinking white people are better. Not different, BETTER.”

    I have YET to meet ONE person who flew the Stars and Bars via flag, hat or belt buckle who didn’t say or hint at that EXACT sentiment.

    And trust me. Here in Central Florida…the folks flying the Stars and Bars… ain’t really capable of being…uh…complicated.

    Sports is the crucible of human virtue. The distillate remains are human vice.

    #26882
    bnw
    Blocked

    We’re told that ISIS is the great danger to our nation but its flag with the horrors it represents is shown on tv and in print. It is probably sold somewhere here too. So ban the stars and bars instead? Issues to distract voters by both parties in the presidential election from an economy in the toilet and wars raging:

    Gay Marriage
    Ban the Confederate Flag

    More to be added to this list as always.

    The upside to being a Rams fan is heartbreak.

    Sprinkles are for winners.

    #26883
    zn
    Moderator

    We’re told that ISIS is the great danger to our nation but its flag with the horrors it represents is shown on tv and in print. It is probably sold somewhere here too. So ban the stars and bars instead? Issues to distract voters by both parties in the presidential election from an economy in the toilet and wars raging:

    Gay Marriage
    Ban the Confederate Flag

    More to be added to this list as always.

    The issue is not banning it. No one proposes that.

    The discussion is about whether it ought to be flown on public buildings as an official symbol of the state of south carolina.

    #26895
    bnw
    Blocked

    We’re told that ISIS is the great danger to our nation but its flag with the horrors it represents is shown on tv and in print. It is probably sold somewhere here too. So ban the stars and bars instead? Issues to distract voters by both parties in the presidential election from an economy in the toilet and wars raging:

    Gay Marriage
    Ban the Confederate Flag

    More to be added to this list as always.

    The issue is not banning it. No one proposes that.

    The discussion is about whether it ought to be flown on public buildings as an official symbol of the state of south carolina.

    That is the cover. The real goal is to remove the flag altogether everywhere. Pressure on retailers to not carry the flag. Extends even to the Dukes of Hazard franchise depiction of the car the General Lee. Efforts to disinter Confederate generals from cemeteries. Defacing confederate monuments. Removing the flag from book cover dust jackets. Hitler would be proud.

    • This reply was modified 9 years, 3 months ago by bnw.

    The upside to being a Rams fan is heartbreak.

    Sprinkles are for winners.

    #26898
    nittany ram
    Moderator

    That is the cover. The real goal is to remove the flag altogether everywhere. Pressure on retailers to not carry the flag. Extends even to the Dukes of Hazard franchise depiction of the car the General Lee. Efforts to disinter Confederate generals from cemeteries. Defacing confederate monuments. Removing the flag from book cover dust jackets. Hitler would be proud.

    Well, there’s no unified goal. There isn’t a single monolithic movement against all things Confederacy. There are many sides and many points of view with this issue. It certainly is a delicate situation. I can see why southerners would want to honor their dead ancestors through memorials. But their deaths came about in defense of an indefensible institution. Can we blame the Mayor of Memphis for wanting to remove a monument to Nathan Bedford Forrest – a man who fought to defend slavery, who was a proponent of harsh treatment of slaves and who helped establish the KKK? Afterall, no one would be upset if Jewish people would ask for the removal of a monument to Dr. Mengele from their town square. And that’s the crux. People who look back on the Confederacy with pride refuse to see the inherent evil in the “Lost Cause”.

    #26902
    zn
    Moderator

    That is the cover. The real goal is to remove the flag altogether everywhere.

    Real goal of whom? Believe me, as one of the people who advocates removing the white supremacist army of north virginia battle flag from government buildings I and my minions have no further plans.

    I think that the slippery slope argument is itself a slippery slope.

    s

    #26910
    bnw
    Blocked

    That is the cover. The real goal is to remove the flag altogether everywhere. Pressure on retailers to not carry the flag. Extends even to the Dukes of Hazard franchise depiction of the car the General Lee. Efforts to disinter Confederate generals from cemeteries. Defacing confederate monuments. Removing the flag from book cover dust jackets. Hitler would be proud.

    Well, there’s no unified goal. There isn’t a single monolithic movement against all things Confederacy. There are many sides and many points of view with this issue. It certainly is a delicate situation. I can see why southerners would want to honor their dead ancestors through memorials. But their deaths came about in defense of an indefensible institution. Can we blame the Mayor of Memphis for wanting to remove a monument to Nathan Bedford Forrest – a man who fought to defend slavery, who was a proponent of harsh treatment of slaves and who helped establish the KKK? Afterall, no one would be upset if Jewish people would ask for the removal of a monument to Dr. Mengele from their town square. And that’s the crux. People who look back on the Confederacy with pride refuse to see the inherent evil in the “Lost Cause”.

    States rights is a defensible institution. Many a yankee fortune was made from the slave trade. Sherman’s March to the sea was an inherent evil in the Won Cause? That moral high ground looks quite flat.

    The upside to being a Rams fan is heartbreak.

    Sprinkles are for winners.

    #26911
    bnw
    Blocked

    That is the cover. The real goal is to remove the flag altogether everywhere.

    Real goal of whom? Believe me, as one of the people who advocates removing the white supremacist army of north virginia battle flag from government buildings I and my minions have no further plans.

    I think that the slippery slope argument is itself a slippery slope.

    s

    Wrong we see the same tactics used by the gun control crowd. I used the islamic state flag earlier and now this from abcnews.com-

    http://abcnews.go.com/Business/walmart-apologizes-making-isis-cake-man-denied-confederate/story?id=32103721

    Walmart Apologizes for Making ISIS Cake for Man Denied Confederate Flag Design
    Jun 29, 2015, 1:23 PM ET
    By SUSANNA KIM

    A man in Louisiana is asking for an explanation from Walmart after his request for a Confederate flag cake at one of its bakeries was rejected, but a design with the ISIS flag was accepted.

    Chuck Netzhammer said he ordered the image of the Confederate flag on a cake with the words, “Heritage Not Hate,” on Thursday at a Walmart in Slidell, Louisiana. But the bakery denied his request, he said. At some point later, he ordered the image of the ISIS flag that represents the terrorist group.

    “I went back yesterday and managed to get an ISIS battleflag printed. ISIS happens to be somebody who we’re fighting against right now who are killing our men and boys overseas and are beheading Christians,” Netzhammer said.

    NASCAR Chairman Wants Confederate Flag Eliminated at Races

    Amazon, Etsy to Ban Confederate Flag Merchandise, Joining Walmart, eBay

    A spokesman for Walmart told ABC News, “An associate in a local store did not know what the design meant and made a mistake. The cake should not have been made and we apologize.”

    “That’s an ISIS battleflag cake that anybody can go buy at Walmart,” Netzhammer explains in a video posted on YouTube showing the sheetcake. “But you can’t buy a Confederate flag toy, with like, say, a ‘Dukes of Hazzards’ car.”

    more at site

    The upside to being a Rams fan is heartbreak.

    Sprinkles are for winners.

    #26914
    nittany ram
    Moderator

    That is the cover. The real goal is to remove the flag altogether everywhere. Pressure on retailers to not carry the flag. Extends even to the Dukes of Hazard franchise depiction of the car the General Lee. Efforts to disinter Confederate generals from cemeteries. Defacing confederate monuments. Removing the flag from book cover dust jackets. Hitler would be proud.

    Well, there’s no unified goal. There isn’t a single monolithic movement against all things Confederacy. There are many sides and many points of view with this issue. It certainly is a delicate situation. I can see why southerners would want to honor their dead ancestors through memorials. But their deaths came about in defense of an indefensible institution. Can we blame the Mayor of Memphis for wanting to remove a monument to Nathan Bedford Forrest – a man who fought to defend slavery, who was a proponent of harsh treatment of slaves and who helped establish the KKK? Afterall, no one would be upset if Jewish people would ask for the removal of a monument to Dr. Mengele from their town square. And that’s the crux. People who look back on the Confederacy with pride refuse to see the inherent evil in the “Lost Cause”.

    States rights is a defensible institution. Many a yankee fortune was made from the slave trade. Sherman’s March to the sea was an inherent evil in the Won Cause? That moral high ground looks quite flat.

    Even if the north had no moral high ground that doesn’t make the Confederate desire to preserve the institution of slavery more defensible. And “states rights” was mainly just a postwar dodge to make the southern cause more palatable. The root cause of the war was slavery.

    http://www.salon.com/2013/03/16/the_south_still_lies_about_the_civil_war/

    Excerpted from “The New Mind of the South”
    In the course of our conversation, Yacine Kout mentioned something else—an incident that had happened the previous spring at Eastern Randolph High School just outside Asheboro. On Cinco de Mayo, the annual celebration of Mexico’s defeat of French forces at the Battle of Puebla in 1862, a lot of Hispanic students brought Mexican flags to school. The next day, Kout said, white students brought Confederate flags to school as a message: This is our heritage.

    The Civil War is like a mountain range that guards all roads into the South: you can’t go there without encountering it. Specifically, you can’t go there without addressing a question that may seem as if it shouldn’t even be a question—to wit: what caused the war? One hundred and fifty years after the event, Americans—at least the vast majority who toil outside academia—still can’t agree. Evidence of this crops up all the time, often in the form of a legal dispute over a display of the Confederate flag. (As I write, there are two such cases pending—one in Oregon and the other in Florida, making this an average news week.) Another common forum is the classroom. But it’s not always about the Stars and Bars. In 2010, for instance, Texas school officials made the news by insisting that Jefferson Davis’s inaugural address be given equal prominence with Abraham Lincoln’s in that state’s social studies curriculum. The following year, Virginia school officials were chagrined to learn that one of their state-adopted textbooks was teaching fourth graders that thousands of loyal slaves took up arms for the confederacy.

    At the bottom of all of these is one basic question: was the Civil War about slavery, or states’ rights?

    Popular opinion favors the latter theory. In the spring of 2011, in recognition of the 150th anniversary of the start of the Civil War, pollsters at the Pew Research Center asked: “What is your impression of the main cause of the Civil War?” Thirty-eight percent of the respondents said the main cause was the South’s defense of an economic system based on slavery, while nearly half—48 percent—said the nation sacrificed some 650,000 of its fathers, sons, and brothers over a difference of interpretation in constitutional law. White non-Southerners believed this in roughly the same proportion as white Southerners, which was interesting; even more fascinating was the fact that 39 percent of the black respondents, many of them presumably the descendants of slaves, did, too.

    We pause here to note that wars are complex events whose causes can never be adequately summed up in a phrase, that they can start out as one thing and evolve into another, and that what people think they are fighting for isn’t always the cause history will record. Yet, as Lincoln noted in his second inaugural address, there was never any doubt that the billions of dollars in property represented by the South’s roughly four million slaves was somehow at the root of everything, and on this point scholars who don’t agree about much of anything else have long found common ground. “No respected historian has argued for decades that the Civil War was fought over tariffs, that abolitionists were mere hypocrites, or that only constitutional concerns drove secessionists,” writes University of Virginia historian Edward Ayers. Yet there’s a vast chasm between this long-established scholarly consensus and the views of millions of presumably educated Americans, who hold to a theory that relegates slavery to, at best, incidental status. How did this happen?

    One reason boils down to simple convenience—for white people, that is. In his 2002 book “Race and Reunion,” Yale historian David Blight describes a national fervor for “reconciliation” that began in the 1880s and lasted through the end of World War I, fueled in large part by the South’s desire to attract industry, Northern investors’ desire to make money, and the desire of white people everywhere to push “the Negro question” aside. In the process, the real causes of the war were swept under the rug, the better to facilitate economic partnerships and sentimental reunions of Civil War veterans.

    But an equally important reason was a vigorous, sustained effort by Southerners to literally rewrite history—and among the most ardent revisionists were a group of respectable white Southern matrons known as the United Daughters of the Confederacy.

    The UDC sounds like one of those genteel ladies’ organizations that would have quietly passed into oblivion about the time women ditched their girdles and entered the labor market, but they are still around—a group of about twenty thousand ladies dedicated to various educational and historical preservation causes. Since 1955, the UDC has recruited next-generation members through a young persons’ auxiliary called the Children of the Confederacy, which does similar kinds of work. Blight was surprised when I told him in an e-mail that as part of my research I planned to visit the 2008 C of C convention in Fredericksburg, Virginia. “I knew there used to be such an [auxiliary] organization decades ago but did not know that it still exists,” he replied. “Amazing. How I would like to be a fly on the wall there.”

    The significance of the UDC lies not in its present-day clout, which is negligible, but in its lasting contributions to history— both for good and for ill. From its inception in 1894 up through the 1960s, the UDC was the South’s premier social and philanthropic organization, an exclusive social club where the wives, sisters, and daughters of the South’s ruling white elite gathered to “revere the memory of those heroes in gray and to honor that unswerving devotion to principle which has made the confederate soldier the most majestic in history,” as cofounder Caroline Meriwether Goodlett grandly put it. At first, the UDC provided financial assistance and housing to veterans and their widows, offering a vital public service at a time when for all practical purposes most local and state governments in the South were nonfunctional and/or broke. Later, as the veteran population aged, the UDC built homes that allowed indigent veterans and their widows to live out their days with some measure of dignity. Long before there was such a thing as the National Park Service, the UDC played a crucial role in preserving priceless historic sites, war cemeteries, and battlefields across the South. At the same time, it embarked on a spree of monument building: most of those confederate monuments you can still find in hundreds of courthouse squares in small towns across the South were put there by the local UDC chapter during the early 1900s. In its way, the UDC groomed a generation of Southern women for participation in the political process: presidents attended its national convocations, and its voice was heard in the corridors of the U.S. Capitol.

    But the UDC’s most important and lasting contribution was in shaping the public perceptions of the war, an effort that was begun shortly after the war by a Confederate veterans’ group called the United Confederate Veterans (which later became the Sons of Confederate Veterans—also still around, and thirty thousand members strong). The central article of faith in this effort was that the South had not fought to preserve slavery, and that this false accusation was an effort to smear the reputation of the South’s gallant leaders. In the early years of the twentieth century the main spokesperson for this point of view was a formidable Athens, Georgia, school principal named Mildred Lewis Rutherford (or Miss Milly, as she is known to UDC members), who traveled the South speaking, organizing essay contests, and soliciting oral histories of the war from veterans, seeking the vindication of the lost cause “with a political fervor that would rival the ministry of propaganda in any 20th century dictatorship,” Blight writes.

    Miss Milly’s burning passion was ensuring that Southern youngsters learned the “correct” version of what the war was all about and why it had happened—a version carefully vetted to exclude “lies” and “distortions” perpetrated by anti-Southern textbook authors. To that end, in 1920 she wrote a book entitled “The Truths of History”—a compendium of cherry-picked facts, friendly opinions, and quotes taken out of context, sprinkled with nuggets of information history books have often found convenient to ignore. Among other things, “The Truths of History” asserts that Abraham Lincoln was a mediocre intellect, that the South’s interest in expanding slavery to Western states was its benevolent desire to acquire territory for the slaves it planned to free, and that the Ku Klux Klan was a peaceful group whose only goal was maintaining public order. One of Rutherford’s “authorities” on slavery was British writer William Makepeace Thackeray, who visited Richmond on a tour of the Southern states during the 1850s and sent home a buoyant description of the slaves who attended him: “So free, so happy! I saw them dressed on Sunday in their Sunday best—far better dressed than English tenants of the working class are in their holiday attire.”

    But presenting the “correct” version of history was only half the battle; the other half was preventing “incorrect” versions from ever infiltrating Southern schools. Before the Civil War, education was strictly a private and/or local affair. After the Civil War, it became a subject of federal interest. The first federal agency devoted to education was authorized by President Ulysses S. Grant in 1867, and Congress passed several laws in the 1870s aimed at establishing a national education system. White Southerners reacted to all this with a renewed determination to prevent outsiders from maligning the reputation of their gallant fighting men by writing textbooks especially for Southern students. One postwar author was none other than Alexander Stephens, former vice president of the Confederacy, whose portrayal of the war sounds remarkably like the version you hear from many Southerners and political conservatives today: it was a noble but doomed effort on the part of the South to preserve self-government against federal intrusion, and it had little to do with slavery. (This was the same Alexander Stephens who had proclaimed in 1861 that slavery was the “cornerstone” of Southern society and “the immediate cause of the late rupture and present revolution.”)

    As the UDC gained in political clout, its members lobbied legislatures in Texas, Mississippi, North and South Carolina, and Florida to ban the purchase of textbooks that portrayed the South in anything less than heroic terms, or that contradicted any of the lost cause’s basic assertions. Its reach extended not just to public schools but to tenured academia—a little-known chapter of its propaganda effort is detailed by James Cobb in his 2005 book “Away Down South: A History of Southern Identity.” Cobb recounts how in 1911, for instance, University of Florida history professor Enoch Banks wrote an essay for the New York Independent suggesting that slavery was the cause of secession; Banks was forced by the ensuing public outcry to resign. Perhaps Banks should have seen that coming: seven years earlier, William E. Dodd, a history professor at Virginia’s Randolph-Macon College, had complained that to merely suggest the confederacy might not have been a noble enterprise led by lofty-minded statesmen “is to invite not only criticism but enforced resignation.” Dodd himself would later migrate to the University of Chicago, where he established a Northern outpost for Southerners who were interested in a serious examination of Southern history. Such scholarship was not encouraged back home: the first postwar society of Southern historians was created in 1869 for the explicit purpose of vindicating the confederate cause.

    The fear of losing one’s job worked to keep most dissenters in line, but if that failed, self-appointed censors in the community were always on the lookout. In 1913, for instance, the sons of confederate Veterans succeeded in banning from the University of Texas history curriculum a book that they felt offered an excessively New England slant on recent history. The UDC industriously compiled lists of textbooks used in schools across the South, sorting them into one of three categories: texts written by Northerners and blatantly unfair to the South; texts that were “apparently fair” but were still suspect because they were written by Northerners; and works by Southern writers. Outside academia, the New South creed, popularized by Atlanta newspaper editor Henry Grady in an effort to spur economic development, also reinforced this new orthodoxy. A big part of Grady’s canny public relations was to pay extravagant homage to the imagined splendor of the antebellum South, and to portray the New South as a revival of that genius instead of what it really was: the rise of a whole new class of plutocrats.

    If all of this wasn’t enough to stifle all public debate and intellectual inquiry in the decades after the war, other prevailing conditions might have finished the job: the widespread poverty of those decades, the rise of Jim Crow and the need to maintain the belief in white supremacy, a pervasive religious mindset that put a higher value on faith than on reason. There were more thoughtful voices, of course—in Atlanta, W. E. B. Du Bois was writing brilliantly about the black experience and reconstruction. But the racism of his day postponed his wider influence to a later era. For all but the rich and/or socially elite this was the South that H. L. Mencken lampooned as “a stupendous region of worn-out farms, shoddy cities and paralyzed cerebrums”—far more concerned with the next meal than with intellectual inquiry. Among white Southerners, rich or poor, the universally accepted history was the version that would later find fame in Margaret Mitchell’s 1936 novel “Gone With the Wind”—a book that sold millions, was translated into twenty-seven languages, and has probably had a more lasting influence on public perceptions about the South to this day than any other single work. It’s no wonder that the so-called Southern renaissance of the 1930s happened outside academia, in the field of fiction; as Cobb points out, the people least interested in understanding Southern history at that time were Southern historians, and Blight agrees. “It would have been impossible to grow up in the South from 1890 to World War I and not have heard or read [the lost cause version of history] many times over as the common sense of white Southern self-understanding.”

    I would quibble with that last part; the era when this was “the common sense of white Southern self-understanding” lasted at least until 1960, very conservatively speaking, and its legacy thrives to this day. In an era when any assertion of “fact” is met by noisy counterassertions of competing “facts,” it’s hard to grasp how completely this warped version of history was accepted as gospel in the South, as silly to dispute as the law of gravity. Former New York Times correspondent John Herbers is an old man now, living in retirement in Bethesda, Maryland, with his wife, Betty. but when he was growing up in Mississippi in the 1930s and 1940s, “the lost cause was one of the main themes my grandmother used to talk about: ‘slavery was nothing to do with the Civil War—we had a cotton economy and [the North] wanted to dominate us.’ It was an undisputed topic.” At the time, he accepted this version, as children do; today, he is struck by the vigilance with which adults in his world implanted this story in the minds of their children. “They pushed themselves to believe that,” he said. “If [the war] had anything to do with slavery, they had no ground to stand on.”

    Claude Sitton, another Southerner who covered the civil rights movement for the New York Times, remembers participating in a yearly essay contest sponsored by the UDC when he was a high school student in Rockdale County, Georgia, in the early 1950s. I did not encounter the UDC essay contests when I was a student in public schools in the 1960s, but the things I heard from my mother could have come straight from Miss Milly’s approved textbooks. History books were unfair to the South, she told me, so I was not to believe anti-Southern things I might read in them, and she was vigilant about correcting me if she heard me use the term “the Civil War” in conversation. To call it a Civil War was to concede that secession was impossible and/or unconstitutional—something no self-respecting Southerner should ever do. “The proper name,” she would say, “is The War Between the States.” Her reminder to me was nothing out of the ordinary; millions of Southern schoolchildren of my generation had absorbed such messages, as had several generations before us. “As late as the 1970s, neither textbooks nor curricula veered far from lost cause interpretations, especially in the Deep South,” writes historian Karen L. Cox—and in his book on the civil rights era in Mississippi, historian John Dittmer concluded that the lost cause version of post-Civil War reconstruction in the South still held sway among the vast majority of whites in that state as recently as the early 1990s.

    Die-hard defenders of some version of the Lost Cause today say that the South has always been the victim of “political correctness” in school textbooks, and that this continues to this day. The truth is just the opposite: for decades, publishers of school textbooks went out of their way not to offend delicate Southern sensibilities in their treatment of the Civil War. One longtime publishing executive told me that when he got into the business in the 1960s, it was common to see two different versions of school history textbooks—one for in the Deep South and one for everywhere else, “and the difference was how you treated the Civil War.” By the mid-twentieth century, even textbooks that did not repeat the UDC party line still tiptoed carefully through the minefield. Take this passage, for example, from a widely used 1943 high school history textbook, which depicts a slave-holding South of stately mansions and benevolent slave owners: “The confederates . . . believed they were fighting for the democratic principle of freedom to manage their own affairs, just as the thirteen colonies had fought in the Revolutionary War.” The same textbook describes the Ku Klux Klan as a group that “sometimes” resorted to violence in its effort to retake local governments from the hands of incompetent former slaves. A 1965 textbook used in Alabama public schools taught another key point of the lost cause creed—that slavery was a benign institution: “In one respect, the slave was almost always better off than free laborers, white or black, of the same period [because] the slave received the best medical care which the times could offer.”

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    Publishers don’t offer a special “Southern” version of history anymore; these days, they cater to individual state educational standards, though some states—like California and Texas—have a disproportionate national influence on what those standards are. The problem today, the former publishing executive told me, is that “with so many state standards, the books have become in the last ten years longer, blander, more visual, certainly—and more inclusive. There’s so much to cover.” The result is like light beer: better tasting, less filling. With no space to truth-squad a 150-year-old public relations campaign, today’s texts simply strive not to offend; they don’t perpetrate the lost cause myth, but they don’t do much to correct it, either. Take this passage from a text widely used in public high schools today, which neatly splits the difference between the “states’ rights” and the “slavery” camps: “For the South, the primary aim of the war was to win recognition as an independent nation. Independence would allow Southerners to preserve their traditional way of life—a way of life that included slavery.” That’s a way of putting it even Miss Milly might have been able to live with.

    “I grew up in a cocoon,” Herbers says today, recalling his childhood and the version of history he absorbed. It’s an apt metaphor for what happened to any Southerner born before about 1970, and to a good many of those born since. Although the field of Southern history underwent a revolution at the university level in the 1940s and 1950s, the version ordinary Southerners knew in 1970 and even later had not changed appreciably since 1900. Perhaps 1970 sounds like a long time ago, but in educational terms it’s not: 1970 was when a lot of people who are still teaching today learned what they know, and what they’ve passed on to their students. James Loewen, a sociologist and author of “Lies My Teacher Told Me,” has said that when he speaks to public school educators across the country today, somewhere between 60 and 75 percent say that the Civil War was fought over the issue of states’ rights. Whether the group he’s speaking to is predominately white, predominately black, or racially diverse, the percentage stays roughly the same.

    The Southern version of history also prevailed for decades at Civil War battle sites, thanks to the fact that Congress appropriated money for the National Park Service, and Southerners in Congress had their hands on the purse strings. It wasn’t until the 1990s that the Park Service—under pressure from the academic community and a few members of Congress—made it a priority to revamp its exhibits to “interpret [the Civil War] and the causes of the war based on current scholarship,” said Dwight Pitcaithley, a professor of history at New Mexico State University who was chief historian of the Park Service from 1995 to 2005. In December 2008, Pitcaithley gave a talk to public school educators in Mississippi, and used as part of his presentation this quote from the Mississippi Declaration of Secession: “Our cause is thoroughly identified with the institution of slavery, the greatest material interest of the world.” That sentence is now prominently displayed on the wall of the National Park Service visitors’ center in Corinth, Mississippi, near the site of the battle of Shiloh. Pitcaithley took a picture of the display and used it in his presentation. After his talk, he was chatting with a thirty-four-year-old black school principal who had grown up in Mississippi, attended its public schools, and received his university education there. “I asked him if he’d ever seen that

    and he said no—he’d never even heard of that.”

    All of which explains both how that dubious assertion that thousands of slaves fought in defense of the Confederacy came to be included in that Virginia textbook back in 2010, and how the error came to light. As it turns out, the textbook’s author took her information from the Sons of Confederate Veterans’ website; the error was discovered when a history professor at the College of William and Mary happened to come across it while browsing through a copy of one of her fourth grade daughter’s schoolbooks. Had that not happened, who knows how long the book would have been in use? To this day, it’s possible to stir up a hornet’s nest among ordinary Southerners by asserting that slavery was a primary cause of the Civil War; at the least, it will earn a native Southerner the accusation of having signed over his brain to those Ivy League intellectual snobs who despise all things Southern. The conviction that the South went to war primarily to defend the concept of states’ rights “is in [Southerners’] families, in their churches, in their schools, in their political structure,” Pitcaithley said. “They’ve been taught that over generations. It so embedded that—as you have found—if you suggest otherwise they look at you like you’ve put your pants on your head.”

    From “The New Mind of the South” by Tracy Thompson. Copyright 2013 by Tracy Thompson. Reprinted by permission of Simon & Schuster Inc.

    MORE TRACY THOMPSON.

    #26916
    bnw
    Blocked

    That is the cover. The real goal is to remove the flag altogether everywhere. Pressure on retailers to not carry the flag. Extends even to the Dukes of Hazard franchise depiction of the car the General Lee. Efforts to disinter Confederate generals from cemeteries. Defacing confederate monuments. Removing the flag from book cover dust jackets. Hitler would be proud.

    Well, there’s no unified goal. There isn’t a single monolithic movement against all things Confederacy. There are many sides and many points of view with this issue. It certainly is a delicate situation. I can see why southerners would want to honor their dead ancestors through memorials. But their deaths came about in defense of an indefensible institution. Can we blame the Mayor of Memphis for wanting to remove a monument to Nathan Bedford Forrest – a man who fought to defend slavery, who was a proponent of harsh treatment of slaves and who helped establish the KKK? Afterall, no one would be upset if Jewish people would ask for the removal of a monument to Dr. Mengele from their town square. And that’s the crux. People who look back on the Confederacy with pride refuse to see the inherent evil in the “Lost Cause”.

    States rights is a defensible institution. Many a yankee fortune was made from the slave trade. Sherman’s March to the sea was an inherent evil in the Won Cause? That moral high ground looks quite flat.

    Even if the north had no moral high ground that doesn’t make the Confederate desire to preserve the institution of slavery more defensible. And “states rights” was mainly just a postwar dodge to make the southern cause more palatable. The root cause of the war was slavery.

    The root cause was states rights. The northern states refused to uphold their obligations under the US constitution regarding states rights by not returning escaped slaves nor prosecuting terrorists within their borders. Therefore the south seceded over states rights granted in the US constitution which were being ignored by the north. At that time slavery had always been a state right. From the northern perspective the war was about slavery but the southern perspective has always been and correctly so, states rights.

    • This reply was modified 9 years, 3 months ago by bnw.

    The upside to being a Rams fan is heartbreak.

    Sprinkles are for winners.

    #26918
    wv
    Participant

    BTW, fwiw, I, personally,
    dont think much of the American flag,
    either.

    To me it just represents Tribalism, as well as,
    genocide, ethnic cleansing, corporate-power,
    consumerism, and slavery. Wage slavery.

    The only flag i will ever salute is the one
    that shows the picture of the whole EARTH
    with no divisions, countries or tribes.

    Have a nice day 🙂

    w
    v

    #26919
    zn
    Moderator

    The root cause was states rights.

    No, bnw, that’s the propaganda version that grew up after the war. Nittany just posted an entire article tracing the history of that kind of revisionism. No actual civil war historian anywhere in the world accepts that version.

    The south seceded because of the threat of abolition. Each state made that entirely clear when they seceded. They weren’t shy about it. They spoke up. There’s speech after speech in the state capitals of the confederacy. There’s the official declarations of the national confederate government. Historians know this stuff.

    It’s only later that the effort to bury slavery (and therefore race) as a cause showed up.

    #26920
    bnw
    Blocked

    The root cause was states rights.

    No, bnw, that’s the propaganda version that grew up after the war. Nittany just posted an entire article tracing the history of that kind of revisionism. No actual civil war historian anywhere in the world accepts that version.

    The south seceded because of the threat of abolition. Each state made that entirely clear when they seceded. They weren’t shy about it. They spoke up. There’s speech after speech in the state capitals of the confederacy. There’s the official declarations of the national confederate government. Historians know this stuff.

    It’s only later that the effort to bury slavery (and therefore race) as a cause showed up.

    No. I read what was posted and it doesn’t change the fact that it was states rights and for the reasons I stated. Each state which seceded specifically mentioned the north not upholding the US constitution over a states right. The south fought for independence while the north fought to preserve the union.

    The upside to being a Rams fan is heartbreak.

    Sprinkles are for winners.

    #26928
    waterfield
    Participant

    I might be wrong but I’ve always thought the present flag-the one subject to controversy-had little to do with heritage or state rights but was placed in governmental offices (So Carolina State Capitol) in 1962 as a direct response to federal civil rights legislation and anti segregation laws. That’s not heritage-unless one considers race discrimination heritage. There is a lot of good tradition and values that are part of the south but this particular flag does not represent that. It’s about slavery and segregation -period. Indeed when the south seceded from the Union they had several flags none of which was the one we know today.

    • This reply was modified 9 years, 3 months ago by waterfield.
    • This reply was modified 9 years, 3 months ago by waterfield.
    #26932
    Mackeyser
    Moderator

    Yep. States Rights…

    TO OWN SLAVES.

    Which is why the South pitched such a fit with NEW states and insisted new states had to be balanced as slave and free so that they didn’t lose their balance in the House. New states had to be admitted in pairs… one free, one slave.

    Again, the HISTORY is clear.

    The denial is just that. Denial.

    Sports is the crucible of human virtue. The distillate remains are human vice.

    #26933
    bnw
    Blocked

    Yep. States Rights…

    TO OWN SLAVES.

    One only needs to read the declaration of secession from each state in which their state right granted in the US constitution was not being honored by the north as the reason for secession.

    The upside to being a Rams fan is heartbreak.

    Sprinkles are for winners.

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